History Question

334 Chapter 6 From Slave of the Society of Jesus to Franciscan Priest: The Case of Jerónimo Iyo (伊予)/Geronimo de la Cruz Portuguese, Spanish, and Japanese historiography related to the Society of Jesus’s presence in Japan has forgotten, or perhaps ignored, the importance of Jesuit involvement in the trade/trafficking of Asian slaves in the Far East. Along with the profitable silk trade, the buying and selling of Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans represented, in the 16th and 17th centuries, another extremely profitable source for Luso-Asian mercantile associations based in Macao. The Jesuits, as I have shown in Chapter 2, actively participated in the negotiation, purchase, and legalization processes, despite the opposition of Portuguese and Spanish monarchs, and the Japanese government. Unfortunately, the documentation attesting to the Jesuits’ participation in the marginalization process of war victims and the poor in Japan was deliberately or conveniently erased leaving only a few traces in the records of Macao, Portugal, Spain, Mexico, and Peru. Despite their scarcity, the extant records testify to violent and unscrupulous human trafficking. These accounts help us recover those lost memories. In this part of the book, I will clarify the Society of Jesus’s participation in the internal slave trade. Slave Regulations at the Society of Jesus I The recruitment of slaves to serve at the Society of Jesus in Japan began in the first years of the Jesuits’ arrival. For example, the Jesuit Francis Xavier, as he was preparing to travel to Japan, wrote from the port of Malacca, between 20 and 22 June 1549, saying that he was accompanied by the priest Cosme de Torres,204 Brother Juan Fernandez,205 the Japanese Paulo de Santa Fé,206 and his brother Joanne,207 one of his Japanese servants named António,208 and two slaves: Manuel China and Amador Malabar.209 Manuel China fell in the ship’s pump, near the coast of Vietnam, seriously injuring himself.210 Amador 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 Spanish. Spanish. Christian name. Christian name. António assisted Francis Xavier in Japan and returned to Malacca and Goa in 1551. In 1552, he was Baltasar Gago’s interpreter during the Malacca–Yamaguchi trip. Fróis, Historia de Japam, vol. 1, p. 21. Letter of Saint Francis Xavier to Paulo de Camerino, António Gomes, and Baltasar Gago, Malacca, 20-22-06-1549. Documentos del Japón 1547–1557, p. 117; Fróis, Historia de Japam, vol. 1, p. 21. Fróis, Historia de Japam, vol. 1, p. 21. Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas 335 ­ alabar served Father Baltazar Gago, together with a slave named Bartolomeu. M In 1555, in the Jesuit mission of Yamaguchi, the gardener, Joane, was a slave, as was the cook, Francisco, from Bengal.211 Besides Francisco, who had been offered by the Portuguese Captain Duarte da Gama to the Society of Jesus, we do not know how the remaining slaves were acquired.212 Francisco probably married a Japanese woman who had received the Christian name of Barbara after being baptized.213 In the 1626 Carta Ânua, this old Japanese woman was described as crippled and characterized as a “good and old Christian of the time of Father Cosme de Torres or the Holy Father St. Francis Xavier’s missions.”214 Additionally, at least one of her three children, named Ventura, was described as a slave from Bengal. Barbara had two more children, namely Diego/Diogo and Paulo, and a granddaughter named Úrsula.215 Diego, the eldest son, served several times as Nagasaki Holy Mercy Institution’s officer-in-charge,216 and Paulo, the youngest, was a fervent Catholic.217 Ventura, however, took a different path. He is described in the documentation as “a young man, captive from Bengal,”218 who apostatized during adulthood in order to be released,219 ­denouncing the Christians in Nagasaki to the Japanese authorities,220 when serving Suetsugu Heizo.221 Another example of slaves serving the Jesuits in Japan can be found in Father Aires Brandão’s letter to the Jesuits in Coimbra, written in Goa on 23 December 1554. This letter explains Fernão Mendes Pinto’s admission into the Society of Jesus (Goa, 1554) and how the author of Peregrinação, after freeing 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 Letter from Duarte da Silva S.J. to the Jesuits of India, Bungo, 10-09-1555. Ficou outro que chamm Joanne, homem de 40 annos pera cima. Tem cargo da orta. Ficou também Francisco Benguala que hé cozinheiro. Em Bungo ficou o padre Balthesar Guago e o irmão Joam Fernandez em sua companhia com amador e Bertholomeu. Documentos del Japón 1547–1557, p. 517. Documentos del Japón 1547–1557, p. 543 (n. 19). Annua de Iapão do anno de mil seis centos vinte e seis annos. ARSI, Jap Sin 63, fols. 60v–61. Ibid., fols. 60v–61. Ibid., fol. 61. Provedor. ARSI, Jap Sin 63, fol. 61. hum moço captivus Bengala de nação. Ibid., fol. 59. Pérez, “Relación de la persecución del cristianismo en el Japón,” pp. 347–49. This was not an isolated case. For example, Tomás de Araki renounced Christianity in 1618, became a spy, and denounced hidden Christians to the Japanese authorities. Lorenzo Pérez, “Relación de los Santos Mártires que por la fe de Jesucristo padecieron en los reinos del Japón, desde al año 1628, por Fr. Diego de San Francisco,” Archivo Ibero Americano 4 (1914): 72. Pérez, “Relación de la persecución del cristianismo en el Japón,” 347–49. Lorenzo Pérez, “Relaciones de Fr. Diego de San Francisco sobre las persecuciones del Cristianismo en el Japon (1625–1632),” Archivo Ibero Americano (1914): 8, 16. 336 Chapter 6 his slaves, traveled to Japan as a novice of the Society of Jesus and as an ambassador for the Viceroy Afonso de Noronha with the daimyo of Bungo. Additionally, it reveals vivid details of how Mendes Pinto left three slaves at the college in Goa to be instructed in the Christian faith, while three other slaves, not wanting to be released, asked Mendes Pinto if they could continue to serve him in Japan, to which the Jesuit trader agreed.222 Aires Brandão notes that the three slaves did depart with Mendes Pinto.223 We also know that the entire entourage arrived in Japan.224 Furthermore, the Jesuit Luís de Almeida was served by a Japanese slave he had brought from India, and whom he had owned before he was admitted into the Society of Jesus. The aforementioned Japanese slave learned medicine and became a surgeon in Japan.225 Visitor Alessandro Valignano also had two slaves of Japanese origin. Despite the lack of biographical information about them, intructions about how they should return to Japan and continue serving the Society of Jesus was included in his memoirs.226 Even Bishop Luís de Cerqueira, one of the great defenders of the freedom of Japanese slaves, fell victim to this “plague.” In the Memento he left shortly before his death,227 he refers having a cook, who was his rightful slave, as well as some moços with limited-time ballot/time bondage contracts.228 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 Tinha muitos escravos seus cativos aos quoais todos forrou, mandando cada hum por si que dali por diante a só Deos conhecessem por senhor. De tal maneira lançava estas cousas de si que vê-lo era muito pera se glorificar o nome do Senhor. Tinha antre estes escravos três que vendo sua detriminação se lhe lançarão aos pées, chorando que querião ir morrer com elle no Japão. Outros três deixou neste collégio pera que depois de doctrinados e ensinados buscassem a vida que quisessem. Os mais despedio de si da mesma maneira. Letter of Aires Brandão to the Jesuits in Coimbra, Goa, 23-12-1554. Documentos del Japón 1547–1557, p. 493. Levou mais os os três escravos de Fernão Mendez. Ibid., p. 494. Ibid., p. 497. En este ospital, charissimos Padres y Hermanos mios, tienen hechas el Hermano Luis curas que mas parecen obradas por virtud de Jesu Christo, que por fuerça de las medicinas. El qual este junio passado dexo de curar cuerpos, y començó a curar animas, de lo qual trataré en su luguar. … El enseñó aqui un moço Jao que truxo consigo, quando entró en la Compañia que se llama Luis. El qual hizo y haze curas, que bien se muestra no ser por saber de suriano ni por virtud de las medicinas, porque dexadas muchas infistoladas de 10, 15, 20 annos, curó un señor de que quedaron los japones muy espantados. ARSI, Jap Sin 4, fols. 209v–210. Lembranças de Alessandro Valignano, Macau, 16-01-1606. ARSI, Jap Sin 14 II, fols. 229–230. Lembrança. António Rebello meo cosinheiro he cativo legitimamente, tambem tenho alguns outros mossos, que tem alguns annos de serviço, de que sabe e dará rezão o Irmão Correa. BA, Jesuitas na Ásia, Cod. 49-V-5, Lembrança que o Bispo de Japão Dom Luiz Cerqueira deixou por sua morte, fol. 526v. RAH, Jesuítas, Legajo 22, fasc. 22, Lembranças que o Bispo de Jappão Dom Luís Cerqueira deixou por sua morte; Testamento, fols. 261–263v. Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas 337 II The most obvious place to start our investigation to determine if the Jesuits in Japan kept slaves or not is in the regulations of the Society of Jesus in Japan. These regulations contained a set of rules governing the Society, both internally and externally. The first regulation that mentions the presence of slaves is the Rules for the Japan Seminar, prepared by Valignano in 1580, where it is expressly stated that each seminary should have one or two “young men (‘moços’)” in charge of food preparation. However, the status of these men has not yet been determined. Were they slaves?229 The Portuguese sources to which I had access are not very clear regarding whether the reference to moços corresponds to slaves or just ordinary young men who served the Jesuits in Japan in exchange for compensation. Nevertheless, my experience with manuscripts of this type allows me to conclude that many were in fact household slaves. For example, in the third question that the Second Japan Consultation230 discussed in Katsusa (加津佐) 231 in 1590, as well as in the third article of the First Congregation conducted in Nagasaki in 1592, in the “war chapter,”232 it is stated that the Jesuits were forbidden to have fitojichis233 (receive war hostages) or of putting them somewhere (sending them to any religious house jesuits administered by the Jesuits, using them to gain political power among local daimyos, etc.), or exerting any pressure against their will.234 Upon consulting the Vocabulário da Língoa de Japam, I found the following meaning for the word fitojichi: 229 230 231 232 233 234 E senão alarguem as horas do jantar, e da çea e pera isso e pera que não se impida o comer e serviço delles com o comer dos padres e mais serviço da casa: tera o seminario hum ou dois moços próprios em fazer o comer e mais que for necessário pera o serviço dos mininos, os quaes não tenhão conta com o comer dos padres, e mais serviço da casa, senão quando não tiverem que fazer pera o Seminaryo. Regimento pera os Semynarios de Japão 1580. ARSI, Jap Sin 2, fol. 37. These “Consultations” and “Congregations” were part of an adaptation policy adopted by Alessandro Valignano in Japan to facilitate and encourage European missionaries to follow some Japanese customs and assist the process of conversation of Japan to the Christianism. A town in the Arima domain. The Jesuits Pero Gómez, Organtino Gnecchi-Soldi, Belchior de Moura, Francisco Calderón, Pero Reimão/Romão, Afonso de Lucena, Antonio Lopez, among others, were present. Cousas da Guerra and also in the third paragraph. Hitojichi 人質 ARSI, Jap Sin 2, fol. 126. 338 Chapter 6 Fitojichi. Hostages. Fitojichiuo toru. Take hostages. Fitojichiuo idafu. Give hostages. Fitojichiuo cayefu. Make hostages. Fitojichiuo futçura. Do not assist/help hostages, letting them to be capture or killed.235 Although the hitojichi/war hostages, in the literal sense, cannot be considered slaves, the very status of these shifting people, being captured, and transported to other regions, varies a great deal. In the case of the hitojichi in Kyūshū, one comes across shifting people who started their diaspora as war hostages in their places of origin but who were illegally forced into being slaves at their final destinations. The regulation concerning “Young Men” and “Serving People”236 was also the fifth question discussed in the Second Japan Consultation,237 held in 1590, as well as in Article Five of the First Congregation, in 1592. The priests and brothers who performed their ministries among Christian communities abroad had to be provided with “serving people.”238 Such servants were not intended to be status symbols, but rather, were meant to help members perform their religious tasks and obligations, as well as to assist in domestic “needs and tasks.”239 Consequently, all members of the Society of Jesus, including the Vice-Provincial, had to be accompanied by these moços.240 Some Jesuits, mainly those belonging to the Society’s elite, overstepped the mark. For example, the Italian Visitor Francesco Pasio was criticized for being accompanied by servants carrying katanas (a Japanese curved, single-edged blade sword).241 The second paragraph of the regulation determined that the number of moços and “service people (‘gente de serviço’)” would vary according to the size and status of the Jesuit house. The number of people in the colleges and main houses was determined by the Vice-Provincial; however, it was stipulated that the small houses, where just a priest and a brother lived, should not ac­­ commodate more than eight people: a rapado (shaved head) to help in the 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 Fitojichi. Reféns. Fitojichiuo toru. Tomar reféns. Fitojichiuo idafu. Dar reféns. Fitojichiuo cayefu. Tornar os reféns. Fitojichiuo futçura. Não deuer com os reféns deixando os cativar, ou matar. Vocabulário, fol. 96v. Moços e Gente de Serviço. Consulta do Japão. Gente de serviço. Estas irregularidades nos moços e dojucus podem ser localizadas desde a década de 80 do séc.XVI. O próprio Alessandro Valignano procura debelar esta situação num carta que é enviada para o Japão em 1585 e cujas directrizes seriam compiladas pouco tempo depois. RAH, Jesuitas 9. Legajo 7238, fol. 34. ARSI, Jap Sin 2, fol. 127v. Letter of Manuel Dias, Macau, 5-12-1615. ARSI, Jap Sin 16 II-b, fol. 249v. Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas 339 burials,242 someone to care for the chanoyu (茶の湯 Japanese tea ceremony), and a dojuku (同宿) to accompany the priest, while the remaining moços took care of domestic chores.243 It is likely we can thus conclude that, in a small house, a priest and a brother owned three dojukus and five slaves. The regulations are extremely vague when it comes to the status of the five moços. Were they in charge of domestic chores? Were they lifelong slaves or were they considered servants, with years of service yet-to-be fulfilled?244 Or were they orphans sheltered by the Society?245 Nevertheless, the term moços is clarified in the third paragraph of the regulation, which is focused on the status of those bought by the Jesuits. First, the Jesuits were required to verify if their capture was considered legal. If not, the rectors should be consulted to determine and grant the victims the limitedtime ballots/time bondage permits that seemed fair. There was also an article invoking the mandatory release of illegally enslaved moços, even if they had been bought to serve at Jesuit homes and they had not yet completed their time of service. The names of the moços and the money spent on their purchase, as well as their period of captivity, which could vary from a few years to a lifetime, were written down in a book; hence, information could be verified by succeeding rectors. We can thus conclude that at least one book of slaves was kept in each Jesuit residence in Japan. Unfortunately, none of these books are extant today and no copies were sent to Rome. The fourth paragraph of the regulation determined that these moços should accompany priests and preaching brothers when they traveled abroad. The rectors or priests’ superiors determined the number. When priests visited Jesuit residences they were allowed to take their dojucu with them and up to two moços. If deemed convenient, the rector could let the priest take a larger number of the latter.246 Interestingly, these moços enjoyed some freedom within the Society of Jesus: they were free to accept or decline to accompany the priest or brother they had been assigned to by the superior. 242 243 244 245 246 Dōgō 道号. The name Kambo (kanbō 看坊) was commonly used used in the Jesuit letters. ARSI, Jap Sin 2, fol. 127v. Charles Boxer is of the same opinion, stating that “moços” corresponded to slaves: “Those servants who were bought as slaves, and the validity of whose status as slaves was open to doubt, had their slavery commuted to a fixed period of years, varying in accordance with the circumstances of each individual case.” Charles Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1974), p. 217. Since the Jesuits arrived in Japan, numerous orphans were schooled by the Society of Jesus to become dojucus and later brothers, contributing to the project of the evangelization of Japan. ARSI, Jap Sin 2, fol. 133v. 340 Chapter 6 The fifth paragraph of the regulation focuses on the Society of Jesus’s ViceProvincial in Japan, who should be humble and modest, rejecting any kind of pride or luxury; he should also be accompanied by moços. The number of moços allowed is not, however, specified. The Vice-Provincial would eat in the refectory with the other priests; he would not have any kind of independent or separate house for him or his servants/slaves.247 There were always one or two permanent moços in the Jesuits’ houses in Japan to wash the clothes of the priests, the brothers, and the dojukus.248 The Jesuits were forbidden to have in their service moços who were married or who wanted to get married. This problem was not limited to Japan. In Portugal, the slave owners created many obstacles to marriage among slaves, since after this ceremony, the male or female slave was entitled to many rights and his owner could not send or sell him to places that affected him fulfilling his marriage duties.249 If there was no real reason to deny them the right to get married, the priests had to discuss with their respective rectors what they should do with the lads.250 In the Commandments of our Superior Priests of Rome taken from Chapter 4 and Summary of the Laws of things belonging to the Province of India to be obeyed in the [ Jesuit] houses and residences of Japan,251 we can find references showing that Jesuit priests were allowed to have “captives” in their homes, as long as they had only the necessary number allotted to them. However, the priests were obliged to clarify the type of captivity of each “victim.” Such slaves, when acquired by the Jesuits, received a religious education and a grounding in Christian ethics.252 Probably compiled in 1595 under the name The things belonging to the ViceProvincial in Japan decided in Rome,253 the resolutions of the various Society of Jesus’s Superior Generals also cover slavery in paragraph 42. The latter is a copy 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 Ibid., fol. 127v. Ibid., fol. 136v. Fonseca, Escravos e Senhores, pp. 341–53. ARSI, Jap Sin 2, fol. 123. Obedientias de nosos Padres Gerais de Roma tiradas do Cap 4 e Leis do Sumario das couzas que pertencem aa Provincia da Jndia pera se guardarem nas casas e residencias de Japão. ARSI, Jap Sin 2, fol. 123. Das couzas que pertencem a Vice Provincial de Japão resolvidas de Roma. … Nas nossas casas se poderam servir de captivos, e de outros moços, com tal, que se tenham sómente os necessarios, e se uze muy particular deligencia e saber, bem dos titulos de seu captiveyro para se guardar com todos a justiça necessaria, aos quais tão bem se instruirão na doutrina, e bons costumes da maneira que convem em nossas casas; e assim o declarou Nosso Padre Everardo na resposta do art.48 da 2ª Congregação Indica. RAH, Jesuitas 9. Legajo 7238, fol. 28. Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas 341 of Summary of some things that belong to the Government of the Province of India left by Valignano.254 The excerpt from Commandments from Visitors made for the priests of [ Jesuit] Houses and more priests from Japan, by Father Francisco Pasio,255 written in 1612, also states in chapter 2 that, even if they rode to the ynacas,256 priests should take a brother and dojuku, and no more than two or three moços de serviço. No moços under 18 were allowed in Jesuit residences. The priests serving in the residences as disciples should not have more than one moço;257 whenever they needed to visit Christian communities, their superior would provide them with the necessary moços. No priest could have a private moço without the Provincial’s consent. When both Jesuit priests and brothers’ did not need them any longer the moços served at the Jesuits houses, similarly to the other “resident moços.”258 Around 1612, in accordance with the previous rules of Japan’s Consultation and Congregation, the Jesuits were allowed to take two of the moços who served them when they moved to a new house. The same applied to moços bought by the Jesuits. First, the provenance of each was to be investigated in order to clarify the legality of their captivity. Should it be deemed illegal, the years of service to be granted should be determined by the Rector of the Jesuit Residence, after which time the moço was released. Also in accordance with previous regulations, all slaves purchased by the Jesuits had to be registered in a book containing the corresponding information and rules, so that they could be known and obeyed by those who consulted it.259 The priests were still forbidden to keep married moços without their rectors’ permission. The Commandments from Visitors made for the priests of [ Jesuit] Houses and more priests from Japan, by Father Francisco Pasio reveal the hitherto unknown aspects of the religious and moral education of slaves living with the Society of Jesus. The Jesuits were instructed to teach these moços Catholic prayers, confession, and how to live a “good Christian” life. These teachings also focused on relationships with their fellow men, ensuring the slaves learnt how to behave both at home and in public,260 according to Japanese tradition. 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 Summario de algumas cousas que pertencem ao Governo da Província da Índia. Obediencias dos Visitadores feito para os padres das Residências e mais padres de Japão, pelo padre Francisco Pasio. Village, countryside. Inaca. Aldea, ou lugares fora de alguã villa, ou cidade principal. Gèralmente fora do Goqi nas se diz, Inaca. Vocabulário, fol. 131. Disciples = súbditos. The “resident moços”served the Jesuits in their houses and didn’t visit Christian communities with Jesuit priests and brothers. BNM, Jesuitas, Legajo 21, fol. 40, Capítulo 2–8. Ibid., fol. 41. 342 Chapter 6 These Commandments also described the procedures to be taken by members of the Society of Jesus concerning runaway slaves. The fugitives who took refuge at the Society, in order to protect themselves from their owners, should be helped by the Jesuits and released, making it easier for the clerics to maintain their friendship with the respective owners. To this end, the Jesuits should find a Japanese Christian who was willing to serve as an intermediary and seek a peaceful solution between the master and his slave. The priests were also warned not to question the bondage legitimacy of the slaves belonging to Japanese Christians.261 In short, in this chapter I was able to identify, through the internal statutes of the Society of Jesus in Japan, the existence of Japanese slaves who were euphemistically referred to as “young men (‘moços’).” The derivation of this word is probably related to the fact that, since 1570, Portuguese legislation had officially prohibited Japanese slavery. Initially, before 1570, this term was connected to young individuals from many geographical zones in Asia (from India to China) and the Portuguese did not use this designation for slaves. Subsequently, this term started to be used in Macao regarding young Asian slaves who lived in the city, and later in Japan. It is also important to stress that the statutes of the Society of Jesus only reveal that the Jesuits were slave owners; they did not sell them, at least internally. There is also a concern in the statutes to clarify the provenance of slaves and their enslavement legitimacy according to Portuguese law. At the same time though, it is important to highlight the moral aspect of these acquisitions and the concern to properly evangelize Japanese slaves, according to the Catholic doctrine. Number of Slaves Belonging to the Society of Jesus Unfortunately, I was not able to quantify the exact number of these moços within the Society of Jesus. Additionally, I was not able to distinguish within this designation the perpetual or temporary slaves from the comonos,262 the servants who performed domestic chores and could be hired. These were generally omitted from the lists written in Japan by priests and brothers to be sent to Goa and Europe. In this section, I analyze the available lists and calculate the number of moços who lived with the Society of Jesus in Japan. The first identified list that includes such numbers is dated 1583, and mentions 29 European priests, 30 European brothers, 26 Japanese brothers,263 261 262 263 Ibid., fol. 48. Komono 小者. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, pp. 180–81. Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas 343 nearly 100 students from the two seminaries, and a dojuku accompanying the priests.264 The great revelation comes in the following note: The young men (“moços”) who serve all the houses of Japan, and those who accompany the Priests to various places, and the bonzos who,265 by order of the Society [of Jesus], are placed in churches for their protection, and the doctrine of the Christians, reach over two hundred people: this way the people whom the Society [of Jesus] supports and to whom gives food and clothes in Japan are close to five hundred.266 As we can see, the number of “young men (‘moços’)” together with that of the church watchmen in Japan exceeded two hundred people. In 1583, the total number of the Society of Jesus’s associates was approximately 500. If we subtract the number of priests and European and Japanese brothers, which we know were 85, plus 100 seminary students,267 and the dojuku, then we are left with approximately 300 people. One watchman was enough to protect the churches.268 Generally, this office was delegated to a married dojuku, thus we can conclude that from the number of churches existing they were not more than 100 people. If we subtract this, we get an approximate number of 200 moços, a very high amount. The following list that refers to moços belonging to the Society of Jesus is dated 1586. In that year, the Jesuits had 53 priests and 71 brothers.269 This corresponded to a total of 124 people.270 For the dojukus, moços, and church watchmen,271 we have an approximate number of 405.272 In 1591, after an interval of five years, in a letter to Superior General Claudio Acquaviva from Alessandro Valignano, the latter mentions the college, the seminary, and the novitiate from Arima who transferred to Amakusa with “three big houses, among our people and the people of service (‘gente de 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 Ibid., p. 181. Christian monks. The priest used the Japanese word applied to Buddhist monks. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, pp. 181–82. Correspondent to the Arima and Meaco Seminaries. Vigia. The watchman or vigia protected the churches from thieves and gentiles attacks. I have added two more names than Valignano originally recorded, without indicating their identity: Duo item alii Frates Japonenses, quórum nomina nunc ignoramos. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, p. 208. Ibid., pp. 205–10. Vigias das igrejas. omnes (socii in India Orientali) sunt quadringenti et quinque, ex his navigaturi sunt hoc anno (in) Japponiam cum Padre Visitatori septemdecim. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, p. 210. 344 Chapter 6 serviço’), each of these three houses exceeded one hundred people.”273 The ratio of service people and the members of the Society can be found in another passage, which mentions the transition from a college in Cazuza and the novitiate in Ōmura to Amakusa. In this regard, Valignano says that “in this College there are now close to sixty of our Fathers and Brothers, and with the Dojukus and service people (‘gente de serviço’) they exceed one hundred and twenty.”274 If the expression “service people (‘gente de serviço’)” can be considered ambiguous, the Visitor, shortly after—referring to another seminary that had been shifted to a more secluded place in Arima, so as to escape persecution resulting from the first anti-Christian edict and deterioration of diplomatic relations between the Society of Jesus and Toyotomi Hideyoshi—tells us that in the “interior of Arima,” there are “more than ninety students among young and older with ten of our Priests and Brothers, who are there to guide them and to be their teachers, and, more than twenty service young men” (“mozos de servicio”).275 In the following List of Homes and Residences owned by the Society [of Jesus] in the Vice Province of Japan this month of November of the year 92, with the name of the Priests & Brothers living there,276 we can count 207 churches, 154 priests and brothers, of which 136 belong to Japan,277 references to dojukus, which amount to a total of 180 people,278 “to which adding the service young men” (“moços de serviço”) “that are in the houses and several other rapados that take care of the churches,279 surpass between them and the Priests and Brothers, six hundred and sixty people that are now supported at the Society’s expense in Japan.”280 Of the 660 people, we know that 316 were priests, brothers, and dojukus; hence, the remaining 344 were distributed between church watchmen and moços de serviço belonging to the Jesuits. 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 Letter from Alessandro Valignano to Father General Claudio Acquaviva, Nagasaki, 6, 9, and 22 October 1591. ARSI, Jap Sin 11 II, fol. 247v. J.L. Álvarez-Taladriz, “Relación del Padre Alejandro Valignano, S. J. sobre su embajada a Hideyoshi (1591),” Osaka Gaikokugo Daigaku Gakuho 28 (1972): 51. Letter from Alessandro Valignano to Father General Claudio Acquaviva, Nagasaki, 6, 9, and 22 October 1591. ARSI, Jap Sin 11 II., fol. 247v. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, pp. 205–10. Rol das Casas & Residências que tem a Companhia na Viceprovíncia de Japão neste mez de Novembro do anno de 92, com o nome dos Padres & -irmãos que nellas residem. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, pp. 285–94. Ibid., pp. 295–96. Japanese servants with shaved heads. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, p. 296. Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas 345 After an 11-year interval, during which no lists mentioned moços de serviço, in 1603 a new list, intended to be sent to Goa and then Europe, was prepared. In this, we can find a reference to the loss of the commercial vessel that connected Macao to Nagasaki due to an assault by the Dutch.281 This event (the lost of the commercial vessel and the lack of financial support from it) would lead to the dismissal of some dojukus, who, together with the other priests, brothers, dojukus, watchmen, and moços de serviço, accounted for a total of more than 900 people: [A]fter having reformed, and dismissed some dojukus because of the loss of the Ship […] and before the loss of the Ship it was higher than 900.282 On October 1603,283 after this dismissal, there were 122 priests and brothers, 254 dojukus,284 “and … the cambos who are those taking care of the churches,285 and service young men (“moços de serviço”) who are in all houses, these exceed 800 people in the Society of Jesus.”286 This passage leads us to conclude that there were at least 424 church watchmen and moços de serviço serving the ­Jesuits in Japan. 281 282 283 284 285 286 On the relation between the Dutch and slavery, see Leonard Blussé, Strange Company: Chinese Settlers, Mestizo Women and the Dutch in VOC Batavia (Dordrecht and Riverton: Foris Publications, 1986), which gives an important insight into the composition of the crews of VOC vessels. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, pp. 450–51. There are two important documents on this case: estando aqui o padre Valignano o anno de 603 em que os olandeses tomarão neste porto a nao que estava ia carregada e avia de partir a menhã seguinte pera Japão, e perdendo nella a Companhia de Japão quasi quanto tinha, e pretendendo elle mandar lá huã embarcação pequena de aviso aos padres que pois estavão tão pobres despedissem os dogicos e moços que pudessem os tirar e estreitassem os demais gastos ao menos a metade do ordinário. Letter from Manuel Dias (Senior) to Claudio Acquaviva, Macau, 10-04-1610. ARSI, Jap Sin 14 II, fol. 341. Por este pataxo, que es una embarcaçión muy ligera y segura, escribí al Padre Viceprovincial todo lo pasara y del poco remedio que yo le podia dar de aquí, y que no hallaba otro mejor que cortar por los gastos aunque fuera con pérdida notable, así del fruto como del crédito de la Compañia y cristiandad de Jappón, y que para se poder incortar lo que se me ofrecía era que se deshiciesen los seminarios y la imprenta y la pintoria, y de 300 dojicus, poco más o menos, que teníamos en nuestras casas se despediesen 200, y juntamente los dos tercios de los mozos de servicio. Letter from Alessandro Valignano to Father General Cláudio Acquaviva, Macau, 29-07-1603. ARSI, Jap Sin 14 I. Álvarez-Taladriz, “Un Documento de 1610,” p. 10. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, pp. 441–50. Japanese word applied by the Jesuits to church watchmen in Japan. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, p. 451. 346 Chapter 6 In the Brief account of the number of people, income, and expenses of the Society in Japan, written by João Coelho on 12 November 1609, I have found, for the first time, specific reference to these moços de serviço:287 The sum of all moços de serviço scattered through the residences, houses, rector houses, novitiates, and hospitals in Japan and Macao, is 482 people, a slight divergence from João Coelho’s figures, which show 485 people.288 This discrepancy can be explained by a mistake made by the list’s author or could be accounted for by the unspecified numbers of moços de serviço at Nagasaki Hospital and Urakami’s residence. In 1609, the total number of people serving the Society of Jesus in Macao was 110 (20 priests, 30 brothers, and 60 moços de serviço). The list of expenses incurred by the Society of Jesus in 1612 includes the following information: According to what is stated, expenditures with the Houses, Colleges, and 19774-4-0 Residences, pardaos289 Expenditures with the men in charge of watching and cleaning churches, 00300-0-0 pardaos290 One possible conclusion regarding these expenses is that moços de serviço corresponded to the first paragraph, along with priests, brothers, and dojukus, while the church watchmen were placed in the second. The expenses incurred by the Society of Jesus with respect to the elements included in the first paragraph have already been previously specified when discerning the number of people living in Jesuit facilities in Japan. Thus, we can conclude that when the list of the members of the Society of Jesus and their respective moços de serviço was created, the church watchmen, who constituted an independent group, were not accounted for. Similarly, in the 1613 list I was able to confirm that within the Society of Jesus a clear distinction between moços de serviço and church watchmen existed: 287 288 289 290 This framework was devised by João Paulo Oliveira e Costa. However, using the same source, this author uses the term komono instead of the expression moços de serviço used in the original source. Costa, “O Cristianismo no Japão e o Episcopado de D. Luís de Cerqueira,” vol. II, p. 731. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, p. 537. Ibid., p. 538. Ibid. 347 Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas Table 6.2 List of servants (1609) Location Institution Servants Nagasaki (長崎) College Novitiate Hospital 120 15 ?a Urakami (浦上) Santa Clara Residence 5 College Seminary 40 30 Arima region (有馬領) Arima (有馬) Cazzuca/Kazusa, Cochinotcu/ Kuchinotsu (加津佐，口之津) Ariye (有家) Ximabara (島原) Saigo (西郷) Residence 8 Residence Residence Residence 5 8 5 Amacussa/Amakusa islands (天草) Xiqui (志岐) Saxinotcu/Sakitsu (崎津) Cozzura/Kawachiura (河内浦) Residence Residence Residence 6 5 5 Omura region (大村領) Tone (戸根) Residence 5 Figem/Hizen region (肥前) Uracami (浦上) Isafaye (Isahaya, 諫早) Fundoyama Fucafori/Fukahori (深堀) Yagami (矢上) Residence Residence Residence Residence Residence ?b 5 5 5 5 Chicugo region (Chikugo, 筑後) Yanagava/Yanagawa (柳川) House 10 348 Chapter 6 Table 6.2 List of servants (1609) (cont.) Location Institution Servants Chicujem region (Chikuzen, 筑前) Facata/Hakata (博多) Aquizzuqui/Akizuki (秋月) Rector’s house Residence 18 12 Bujem / Buzen region (豊前) Cocura/ Kokura (小倉) House 25 Bumgo region (豊後) Bumgo (豊後) House 12 Firoxima region (広島) Firoxima (広島) House 15 Miaco region (京都) Miaco (京都) Simo Miaco / Shimogyo (下京) Rector’s house Residence 20 5 Other regions Vozaca’s fortress/Osaka jou (大坂城) Fuximi’s fortress/ Fushimi jou (伏見城) Sacai/ Sakai (堺) Parts of Fococu/Hokkoku (北国諸地域) Macao House House Residence Residence College 8 8 6 6 60 TOTAL 482 a This location is repeated. Gente de serviço necessária. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, p. 521. b Possibly five moços de serviço since they are in the same group. Besides these, the Society also supported many of those in charge of the churches in the villages; the Japanese Christians exiled from several kingdoms that did not have another way out, and many service young men (“moços de serviço”) who cannot be dismissed, according to the custom of this nation.291 291 Ibid., p. 549. Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas 349 Through that listing, I was only able to determine the existence of 121 priests and brothers in Japan, yet not those residing in China.292 As for 1614 list, only 115 priests and brothers living in Japan were mentioned;293 whereas dojucus, church watchmen, and moços de serviço were ignored. Yet, it is possible to prove that moços de serviço continued to accompany the Jesuits until the latter’s definitive expulsion, as, in November 1614, while they were waiting to be deported, they were deprived some moços de serviço by the Japanese authorities, causing great consternation among the priests.294 The Case of Iyo: Identity Manipulation by Jesuits and Franciscans Geronimo de la Cruz, Jerónimo da Cruz, Juan Geronimo de la Cruz, Juan Geronimo Torres, Juan Jerónimo Iyo de la Cruz, Xisto Iyo, Jerónimo Jo, João Torres, and Jom are some of the names by which the Japanese Jerónimo Iyo was known among the Jesuits; he was known as Geronimo de la Cruz among the Franciscans. We can conclude that the biography of this Japanese man follows two parallel processes of disinformation and manipulation. The first process was conducted by the Society of Jesus. Iyo’s experience within the Society of Jesus ended in controversy so, as with other dismissed associates or members, the Jesuits tried to erase any trace related to him. He had thus become a persona non grata. The first documentary source mentioning this individual is a private letter from Mateus de Couros to the Superior General of the Society of Jesus, which includes his brief biography. In this letter, instead of making use of the name by which he was known within the Society of Jesus, Jerónimo Iyo, de Couros uses his Franciscan identity: Geronimo de la Cruz. The three remaining official documentary references found in Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu clearly reveal this process. The second reference is a list titled Martyrs who belonged to the Society of Jesus in Japan in these last years of 1632 and 1633.295 In this listing, Jerónimo de la Cruz is vaguely described, making it almost impossible to realize that the name he is assigned refers to the same person: 292 293 294 295 Ibid., p. 558. Ibid., p. 592. alguns moços de serviço, que não podíamos escuzar, nem foy possível alcançar, que deixassem ficar embarcados na nao alguns delles, que não podíamos escuzar. Gabriel de Matos, Relaçam da Persegviçam que teve a Christandade (Lisbon: na officina de Pedro Crasbeeck, 1616), fol. 79. Martires que ouve em Jappão da Companhia de Jesus nestes ultimos annos de 1632 e 1633. 350 Chapter 6 Jom, a clergyman in Japan raised in our Seminary, and later in Manila, ordained and admitted in the Order of Saint Francis.296 The third document, Memory of the Holy Martyrs, who died in Nagasaki from September 1632 until October 22, 1633,297 refers to the “cleric Jerónimo Japon, who received the cassock of S. Francis,” but does not mention his past in the Society of Jesus.298 The fourth document titled Listing of things from Japan I send to Father Commissioner of Saint Francis this Year of 1633,299 mentions “Geronimo de la Cruz, 3rd in the same order although in prison he was called friar Geronimo,” but also ignores his religious education within the Society of Jesus.300 The Franciscan chronicles also show the modification of numerous biographical data regarding de la Cruz’s Jesuit training. For example, the account written by Friar Joseph Sicardo states that de la Cruz was baptized by the Franciscans and stayed secretly in Japan after 1614 to continue his conversion work and support local Christians.301 The same document also gives the full name of this Japanese as “Juan Jerónimo de la Cruz Torres,” and adds a “fake clue” to the surname “Torres,” saying that it had been granted during the baptism and that it was the name of the priest who baptized him.302 Thus, we are falsely led to believe that Geronimo de la Cruz was also known as “João de Torres” or “João Torres” and that the priests who had performed the baptism were the Jesuits Cosme de Torres and Balthasar de Torres, or the Augustinian Silvester de Torres, all Spaniards. Coincidentally, regarding Cosme de Torres, there was actually a Japanese child named João de Torres, who received his surname after being baptized by this priest. Geronimo de la Cruz was born in Bungo (Iyo more precisely), and João de Torres was born in Yamaguchi in 1550; de la Cruz was a slave purchased by the Society of Jesus, whereas João de Torres was the son of a nobleman from Yamaguchi, baptized eight days after birth and given 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 ARSI, Jap Sin 29, Marttires que ouve em Jappão da Companhia de Jesus nestes ultimos annos de 1632 e 1633, fol. 122v. Memoria de los Sanctos Martires, que murieron en Nangasaqui desde el mes de septiembre del anño de 1632 hasta 22 de Otubre de mill y seys cientos y treinta y tres. ARSI, Jap Sin 18 I, Memoria de los Sanctos Martires, que murieron en Nangasaqui desde el mes de septiembre del anño de 1632 hasta 22 de Otubre de mill y seys cientos y treinta y tres …, fol. 220a. Relaçion de las cossas del Japon que envio el Padre Comissario de San Francisco este Año de 1633. ARSI, Jap Sin 18 I, Relaçion de las cossas del Japon que envio el Padre Comissario de San Francisco este Año de 1633, fol. 136v. Sicardo, Christandad del Japon y dilatada persecucion que padecio, pp. 338, 447. Ibid., p. 338. Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas 351 to the Society of Jesus by his father so that, as an adult, he could be part of Japan’s evangelization.303 The date they left the Society of Jesus also differs: João de Torres left in 1612, while de la Cruz departed in 1614, after the death of Bishop Luís de Cerqueira. On the other hand, the letter sent by the Franciscan Friar Diego de San Francisco to the Provincial of Manila, dated 5 March 1632, referring to the hidden Franciscans in Japan, mentions “the Barajas, and Cruzado, and Madrilejos, and Osorio, Luiz Gómez and I, and the assistants of the Third squad.”304 This was a code, so that if the letter were intercepted, the true identities of the Franciscans—Friar Francisco de Barajas, Friar Diego de la Cruz, Friar Francisco de Madrilejos, Friar Bernardo Osorio de San José, Friar Luis Gómez Palomino, and the two Japanese Geronimo de la Cruz and Juan Meyazaki/Juan de Nagasaki— would not revealed.305 Fortunately, an Ecclesiastical Report, organized by Dominican Friar Pedro de S. Juan, was held in Macao in 1637. In this, a cleric named Friar Manuel de Presepio, in his deposition, named de la Cruz as “Father Yo (Iyo) Jerónimo Japan,” referring to his death, while some other witnesses referred to the same individual as “father Joan Jerónimo, third clergyman from the Order of Saint Francis,”306 in other words, Jerónimo Iyo and Juan Geronimo de la Cruz are the same person. Also, the historian Léon Pagès confirms this idea. Although his book only mentions the name “Jerome de la Croix,” in the index included in the second volume, he reveals that Jerome de la Croix and Jerome Iyo are the same person.307 This assumption is also confirmed by comparing the letter of the de Couros with the documents related to the life of Jerónimo Iyo, as I will demonstrate in the following section. The Biography of Iyo According to a Jesuit source, Iyo was born in Japan, in the Bungo region, and became a slave when a child, being purchased by the Jesuits to serve the Society of Jesus as a moço de serviço.308 Through his original surname, Iyo (伊予) one can conclude that his actual place of birth was not Bungo, but one of the 303 304 305 306 307 308 Fróis, Historia do Japam, vol 1, p. 139; vol. 2, pp. 106, 359. los Barajas, y Cruzado, y Madrilejos, y Osorio, Luiz Gómez y yo, y los dos ayudantes de la Tercera escuadra. Pérez, “Otras dos relaciones de Fr. Diego de San Francisco,” p. 249. Ibid., p. 249. Ibid., p. 250. ( Jean-Jérôme de la [Croix]). (Voir Iyo), prêtre séculier japonais, 769; martyr, 770. Pagès, Religion Chrétienne au Japon, vol. II, p. 445. hum se chama Jeronymo da Cruz natural de Bungo que sendo minino foi cativo da Companhia comprado por dinheiro. Letter from Mateus de Couros to Superior General of the Society of Jesus, Nagasaki, 1619-09-15. ARSI, Jap Sin 35, fol. 114. 352 Chapter 6 provinces of Shikoku. It is very likely that the reference to Bungo is related to the Jesuit residence and seminary where he served. Comparing his case with that of other Japanese who worked for the Society of Jesus in Japan, we can speculate that it was not unusual. In fact, upon analyzing the Japanese linked to the Society in the 16th and 17th centuries, I have found that they can be divided into three groups. The first group, the biggest, consists of Japanese with Japanese surnames. These were part of Christian families who were extremely close to the Jesuits, and held economic and political power. The second group, a minority, consists of Japanese whose surnames have toponymic origins, making it impossible to identify their family roots. The third group, also a minority, consists of Japanese who can only be identified by their first names. Although the information available is not enough to confirm or reject this assumption, I am inclined to believe that the second and third groups of Japanese who served as dojucos and brothers at the Society of Jesus were either slaves or orphans. Let us take a second look at the biography of Jerónimo Iyo/Geronimo de la Cruz. Despite his slave status, in the course of his Catholic education he showed great intellectual ability and was chosen to study at the seminary. This opportunity would be very important to Jerónimo since it granted him the ability to move up in the Society of Jesus’s hierarchy. From childhood to adulthood, Jerónimo continued studying at this institution, demonstrating great intellectual capacity and standing out among his peers in Latin studies.309 This last aspect made him a strong candidate to join the group of Japanese becoming ordained priests.310 309 310 Letter from Mateus de Couros to Letter from Mateus de Couros to Mutio Vitelleschi, Nagasaki, 1619-09-15. ARSI, Jap Sin 35, fol. 114. The instruction of a native Jesuit in Japan dates back to at least to 1580, when one of the key issues addressed at the First Consultation organized by the Italian Alessandro Valignano was to decide whether the Japanese should join the Society of Jesus. Valignano advocated the same idea as Father General Everardo Mercuriano, who argued that the admission of Japanese into the novitiate and ordination as priests could contribute to Japan’s conversion. (Written on the margin to the Letter from Everard Mercurian to Alessandro Valignano, 1578. ARSI, Jap Sin 3, fol. 2v.) At the 1580 Jesuit Consultation, all European Jesuits unanimously agreed that the Japanese should be accepted into the Society of Jesus. The first reason given was that the existence of indigenous priests facilitated Japan’s conversion. Indeed, the fact that they could speak their mother tongue was a benefit that could not be underestimated. Furthermore, they could teach and author texts in Japanese, unlike any European priests. The second reason was the fact that the Japanese were: “white” and “creative with words” (ARSI, Jap Sin 2, Consulta [ feita no Japão por Alessandro Valignano em 1580], fol. 19v); duly strengthened in faith, educated in Christian doctrine and its virtues, it meant that they would become identical to European clerics. The third reason relates to the fact that Japan was a large country, hence there was a need for a greater number of priests to address the chronic shortage of clergy there. The difference Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas 353 From his arrival in Japan in 1598, Bishop Luís de Cerqueira had begun ordaining Japanese priests. Sebastião Kimura (木村) and Luís Niabara (にあばら) were the first two to be so ordained, in 1601. In 1606, the Bishop started preparing four other seminarians for the priesthood. For this precise year, I found a curious document called Recommendations left by Bishop of Japan Dom Luiz Cerqueira at the time of his death.311 Although Jesuits were not allowed to leave wills, Bishop Cerqueira, fearing he would not live long enough to complete the training and ordination of the four Japanese mentioned, left precise instructions to his successors concerning them, though, in the end, these were not needed: [T]he administrator who belongs to this bishopric should support with silver and belongings that will remain after my death, the four students whom I have chosen to become Clerics, Fujimura João [João Luis Fujimura (藤村)], Clemente [Pedro Clemente], Xiqyui Thema [Tomas], 311 in customs also constituted a strong variable to take into account. Another general opinion was that for the implementation of the Roman Catholic Church in Japan, a Japanese clergy was essential in order to have social credit among the Japanese. One of the most interesting facts is that the Jesuits saw the creation of a Japanese clergy as a way to refrain from relying on profits from human trafficking in order to support the mission. This way, Christianity could be financed by the Japanese and the Church would not be seen as “suspicious and foreign.” After discussing these important topics, the European priests decided that all Japanese who were received into the Society should be instructed with all diligence in the novitiate and trained according to their rules. After the novitiate, those who had the intellectual ability could continue their learning, and the most capable would be ordained as priests (ARSI, Jap Sin 2, Consulta [ feita no Japão por Alessandro Valignano em 1580], fol. 20). Despite these resolutions, initiated in 1580, ongoing disputes within the Society around the creation of a native clergy stymied the ordination of any Japanese priests, even 20 years after the first Japan Consultation. This situation contrasted with the educational system itself, in which the European priests kept alive the hopes of the graduates and their families that they would be ordained. It is evident that this was not a trifling matter to the Japanese serving at the Society of Jesus nor to the Japanese Christian communities. At the beginning of the 17th century, the party opposing the creation of a native clergy also advocated abolishing the category of Japanese brothers and just keeping the dojuku category. The main reason for this opposition relates to the fact that the dojukus preachers carried out the same services as the brothers, and did not complain if they were forced to abandon the Society, since dojukus were not considered members of this religious group. At this time, the anti-Japanese clergy movement’s main opponent was Bishop Japan Luís Cerqueira, who, similarly to his predecessor Valignano, was a staunch defender of the idea of a native clergy. On the one hand, the Portuguese Bishop’s will was publicly respected, but privately his opponents criticized his position openly through correspondence sent to the General of the Order in Rome (ARSI, Jap Sin 2, fol. 148v). Lembrança que o Bispo de Japão Dom Luiz Cerqueira deixou por sua morte. 354 Chapter 6 and Jehimada [Ichimada] Antão; and someone else should teach them Cases of Conscience, and as much as it may seem necessary, in order to better help, and to serve [Japanese] Christendom, and to [serve] the Bishop successor, so that when he meets them he may be able to command them.312 Except for Jehimada/Ichimada Antão, the remaining three were ordained priests.313 This preparation was carried out with some difficulty, as financial support was not continuous, due to the opposition of many European clerics. Probably these are the main reasons for the small number of seminarians. After training this group, in 1611, Bishop Cerqueira continued this project and chose five new students. Jerónimo Iyo/Geronimo de la Cruz was one of these. This decision shows that, in Cerqueira’s opinion, the Japanese cleric had the necessary qualifications to become an important element in the Jesuit mission in Japan.314 During this period, Iyo also took a job at the ecclesiastical notary office, showing his language skills in Japanese, Portuguese, and Latin.315 After the death of the Bishop in 1614, the Japanese clerics ordained by de Cerqueira gathered to choose his successor. Lourenço da Cruz (1606),316 Francisco António Murayama/ 村山 (1606),317 Pedro Clemente (1611/12), João Luís Fujimoto/ 藤本 (1611/12), António Miguel/Miguel Antonio de Santa Maria (1604),318 and Paulo dos Santos (1606)319 officially chose the Portuguese Jesuit 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 que o administrador que for deste Bispado mande sustentar de prata, e fato, que por minha morte ficar aos quatro sogeitos estudantes que tenho tomado para Clerigos, fugimura João [ João Luís Fujimura (藤村)], Clemente [Pedro Clemente], Xiqyui Thema [Tomas], e Jehimada Antão; e outro si os faça ensinar casos de consciência, e mais que lhe parecer necessário para melhor poderem ajudar, e servir a Christandade, e ao Bispo Socessor, de maneira que quando os vier os ache aptos para os poder ordenar. BA, Jesuítas na Ásia, Códice 49-V-5, Lembrança que o Bispo de Japão Dom Luiz Cerqueira deixou por sua morte, fols. 524v–525f. Takashi Gonoi, Nihon Kirishitanshi no Kenkyū (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2002), p. 365. ARSI, Jap Sin 35, Letter from Mateus de Couros to Mutio Vitelleschi, Nagasaki, 1619-09-15, fol. 114. Certidão da tradução de uma carta do governador de Nagasaki, entregue em Miyako com ordem condenatória do Cristianismo. Nagasaki, 19 de Março de 1614. ARSI, Jap Sin 16 I, fols. 49–49v. Costa, “O Cristianismo no Japão e o Episcopado de D. Luís de Cerqueira,” vol. I, p. 381. Parish of São Pedro in Nagasaki. RAH, Jesuítas, Legajo 22, fasc. 22, fols. 264–264v. Ibid. Parish of Santa Maria in Nagasaki (the most important Christian parish in the city). RAH, Jesuítas, Legajo 22, fasc. 22, fols. 264–264v. Parish of São João in Nagasaki. RAH, Jesuítas, Legajo 22, fasc. 22, fols. 264–264v. Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas 355 Valentim de Carvalho.320 Alas, this choice caused great controversy not only within the Society of Jesus but also among other religious orders established in Japan, with the exception of the Augustinians, as the latter maintained a more moderate attitude toward this issue. Both Dominicans and Franciscans insisted that the choice had been illegal, and to make things worse, Carvalho maintained a hostile relationship with both the European clerics and especially with the Japanese. The peak of this conflict occurred in early September 1614, with the severing of relations between Carvalho and the seven Japanese clerics ordained by the Bishop. Shortly after, it is known that the seven clerics, probably in retaliation, signed a request from the Franciscan Diego de Chichón.321 Among them was Jerónimo Iyo/Geronimo de la Cruz, in his capacity as a notary. Although the content is unknown, I assume that it was in opposition to Carvalho’s appointment. This was also one of the reasons for the deepening hostility between Carvalho and Iyo. Yet, it was also the beginning of an im­ portant friendship between Iyo and de Chichón,322 which would become fundamental to the latter’s ecclesiastical career.323 On 21 October, Iyo was officially forbidden to undertake his duties as a notary without Carvalho’s permission,324 and, on that same day, five of the seven Japanese priests (Lourenço da Cruz, Francisco António Murayama, Pedro Clemente, João Luis, and António Miguel)325 signed a new document that dismissed Carvalho from office. As a replacement, the clerics chose the Dominican Francisco Morales and later the Franciscan Pedro Baptista Porres y Tamayo, since Morales was forced to resign by his superior.326 When he was informed of the event, Carvalho 320 321 322 323 324 325 326 The Jesuits Miguel Pinto and Martinho Moan were the notaries. RAH, Jesuítas, Legajo 22, fasc. 22, fols. 264–264v. ARSI, Jap Sin, 35, Letter from Mateus de Couros to Mutio Vitelleschi, Nagasaki, 1619-09-15, fol. 114; Costa, “O Cristianismo no Japão e o Episcopado de D. Luís de Cerqueira,” p. 702. This relationship is referred to by Mateus de Couros as one of the causes for the expulsion of Iyo. ARSI, Jap Sin 35, Letter from Mateus de Couros to Mutio Vitelleschi, Nagasáqui, 1619-09-15, fol. 114. RAH, Jesuítas, Legajo 22, fasc. 22, fols. 264–264v. This document contains the signatures of Valentim Carvalho and Moan Martinho (notary). Costa, “O Cristianismo no Japão e o Episcopado de D. Luís de Cerqueira,” p. 703. RAH, Jesuítas, Legajo 22, fasc. 22, fol. 265. Costa, “O Cristianismo no Japão e o Episcopado de D. Luís de Cerqueira,” p. 703. Paulo Santos and Tomé dos Anjos didn’t sign the letter. Jerónimo Iyo signed: Sôju Jerónymo. The place of the meeting was in the Church of São Pedro in Nagasaki. Feita na Igreja de S. Pedro desta cidade de Nangassaqui, onde nos ajuntamos a Cap[ítulo]. Oje, 21 de Outubro de 161[4] annos. RAH, Jesuítas, Legajo 22, fasc. 22, fol. 266. Costa, “O Cristianismo no Japão e o Episcopado de D. Luís de Cerqueira,” p. 706. 356 Chapter 6 e­ xcommunicated Iyo for taking part in this meeting and disobeying Carvalho’s prohibition against him working as a notary.327 Obviously, this new appointment was not accepted by the European Jesuits, who criticized and opposed the interference of friars in the management of the Japanese mission, causing division before their expulsion. Another letter written by the Jesuit Jerónimo Rodrigues in 1617, recalling these events, reveals that the excommunication of Iyo had been somewhat unfair, as he was only obeying the clergy who had arranged this meeting. The same letter reveals the crisis in which the Society of Jesus had plunged and the negative impact that this episode had had on Japanese Christians.328 However, this letter does not clearly show how unpopular Iyo’s excommunication was, as he was highly respected among Japanese Christians and had been chosen by the Bishop himself to be ordained as a priest. Carvalho’s hostility toward him was not an isolated incident, as the former was known for his difficult relationships with dojukus, brothers, and Jesuits from Japan,329 something which was criticized by European Jesuits. Until the Japanese clerics’ departure to Macao and Manila, Iyo remained hidden in Japan and did not allow his excommunication to prevent him continuing his missionary work. His friendly relationship with Friar Diego de Chichón, commissioner of the Franciscan friars in Japan, was a great help in this. As for the seven Japanese clerics ordained by the late Bishop, none would be dismissed or excommunicated. Paulo Santos and Tomé dos Anjos, who had refused to choose a substitute for Carvalho, left for Macao and then Manila. The remaining five stayed in Japan. Iyo remained hidden for four years in Japan, and later traveled to the Philippines. His identity also underwent a profound change, as instead of Jerónimo Iyo, he became known as Geronimo de la Cruz. In 1619,330 in Manila, amid great dissatisfaction among the Jesuits and without his excommunication being revoked, de la Cruz was ordained as a priest by Father Diego de San 327 328 329 330 ARSI, Jap Sin, 35, Letter from Mateus de Couros to Mutio Vitelleschi, Nagasaki, 1619-09-15, fol. 114. Iyo was excommunicated. Moan Martinho was the notary. Dado neste Collégio da Companhia de Jesusm de Nagasaqui, sob sinal e selo, aos vinte e tres de Outubre de mil e seiscentos e catorze. E eu Moan Martinho, notário ecclesiástico o fez escrever e soescreví, no dito dia, mez y era. RAH, Jesuítas, Legajo 22, fasc. 22, fol. 267. Resposta dada a huma relação sobre a christandade de Japão neste tempo da perseguição, feita per hum religioso de S. Domingos com menos informação do que convinha. Monumenta Missionum Societatis IESU, p. 741. On this subject: ARSI, Jap Sin 17, fols. 49–50, 51, 102–03. ARSI, Jap Sin 35, Letter from Mateus de Couros to Mutio Vitelleschi, Nagasaki, 1619-09-15, fol. 114. Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas 357 Francisco,331, of the Third Order of Saint Francis.332 His past was not mentioned in the Franciscan sources. According to Friar Antonio de Santa Maria’s letter, once ordained, de la Cruz served at the Japanese Church of Dilao, providing assistance to the many Japanese Christians who annually abandoned Japan to settle in the Philippines due to religious persecution.333 During this period, he wrote several works of great importance in the field of evangelization, namely the Doctrina christiana em idioma Japon, Platicas doctrinales em idioma Japon and the translation from Spanish to Japanese of Fores Sanctorum.334 In 1632, after 13 years of missionary work in the Philippines, de la Cruz decided to return to Japan disguised as a sailor, to continue his evangelization work. After arriving in Nagasaki, he hid at the house of a Japanese cottier named Pablo.335 Upon being discovered, he was imprisoned by the Japanese authorities. An unexpected event would determine his tragic end.336 Those initially scheduled to be executed on 3 September 1632 were the Portuguese Vicente de Santo António; the Spanish Francisco de Jesus; the Mexican Bartolomé Gutierres, who belonged to the Order of St. Augustine; the Spanish Brother Gabriel, from the Order of Saint Francis; the Japanese António Pinto, from the Society of Jesus,337 and the Christian Beatriz da Costa and her daughter Maria 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 Ibid. Pérez, “Otras dos relaciones de Fr. Diego de San Francisco,” p. 249. The excommunication ended with the intervention of Father Mateus de Couros S.J. “Frey Geronimo de la Cruz—who is that Japanese priest who, when I came from Spain was in that church of the Japanese (in our war of Dilao) at the side of, or a little behind the well.” Letter from Friar Antonio de Santa Maria in Blair, Robertson, and Bourne, The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898, vol. 35, p. 120. Marcellino da Civezza, Saggio di bibliografia geografica storica etnografica sanfrancescana, per fr. Marcellino da Civezza (Prato: Raniere Guasti—Editore-libraio, 1879), p. 134; Henri Cordier, Bibliotheca Japonica: dictionnaire bibliographique des ouvrages relatifs à l’empire Japonais rangés par ordre chronologique jusqu’ à 1870 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1912), p. 343. ARSI, Jap Sin 18 I, Memoria de los Sanctos Martires, que murieron en Nangasaqui desde el mes de septiembre del anño de 1632 hasta 22 de Otubre de mill y seys cientos y treinta y tres …, fol. 220a. Estado geográfico, topográfico, estadistico, histórico-religioso, de la Santa y Apostólica Provincia de S. Gregorio Magno, de religiosos menores descalzos de la regular y mas estrecha observancia de N. S. P. S. Francisco en las Islas Filipinas (Binondo: Imprenta de M.Sanchez, 1865), p. 671. Sicardo, Christiandad del Japon, y dilatada persecucion que padeciò, p. 447. Pagès, Religion Chrétienne au Japon, vol. I, pp. 769, 770. ARSI, Jap Sin 18 I, Memoria de los Sanctos Martires, que murieron en Nangasaqui desde el mes de septiembre del anño de 1632 hasta 22 de Otubre de mill y seys cientos y treinta y tres …, fol. 220a. 358 Chapter 6 da Silva.338 However, when the authorities discovered that Beatriz da Costa, besides being married to the Portuguese Captain António da Silva, also had a Portuguese father and a Japanese mother, they decided to banish her and her daughter to Macao, instead of executing them.339 It was in this context that they decided to execute Friar Geronimo de la Cruz,340 and the cottier Pablo/ Domingo, in their place.341 The victims were tortured in the hot waters of Unguen/Uzen for 33 days before being burned alive. The ashes of de la Cruz and the other victims were thrown into the sea to prevent them from being collected and worshiped as relics by Japanese Christians. Conclusions In short, as can be ascertained, priests within the Society of Jesus were authorized to acquire slaves. Regulations were also created for these slaves, with books to keep their records and the standards governing their captivity. These slaves were called “service young men/service people.” In fact, this designation was nothing more than a ploy to disguise their true situation and link it to the word “servant.” The status of these “service young men” had nothing to do with the European concept of servants, as it confined them to a lifelong or temporary enslavement status, since they were forced to comply with a certain number of years of service before being finally released. In terms of their origin, although most were Japanese, I was able to find African, Indian, Malaysian, Korean, and other slaves. As can be confirmed through the documents mentioned in this chapter, slave recruitment increased as the evangelization endeavor expanded, until the Jesuits’ expulsion in 1614. In 1583, the number was approximately 300, but in 1609 the official figure was raised to 482 (though the official count was 485). If we deduct the 60 who served in Macao College, in China, the actual number would be 425. The data collected show that between 1583 and 1609 the number of young men serving at the Society of Jesus increased substantially. This statistical evidence is incompatible with the argument that the Jesuits bought Christian men, women, and girls, to later release them,342 as we know that Japanese unification had taken place and the war with Korea had ended in the 17th 338 339 340 341 342 ARSI, Jap Sin 18 I, fols. 218a–18av. Sicardo mentions de name of Beatris de Acostas’ daughter and also says shes was 18 years old. Sicardo, Christiandad del Japon, y dilatada persecucion que padeciò, p. 254. ARSI, Jap Sin 18 I, fols. 218a–18av. Sicardo, Christiandad del Japon, y dilatada persecucion que padeciò, pp. 254, 261. Padre Xisto Iyo Japão, no mesmo tormento, aos 10 de Outubro de 1610. RAH, Jesuitas, Legajo 9-7238; legajo 21, fol. 921. This argument is defended by Kataoka, A vida, p. 189. 359 Case Studies: Crossing Diasporas c­ entury. Therefore, this abundant “human surplus” ceased to exist in places like Nagasaki (the main slave center) where anti-slavery prohibitions and the charges against the Portuguese concerning slavery were very strong. Even though we cannot desmiss a regional-level slave trade connected to religious persecution, and internal conflicts343 connected with the beginning of the Tokugawa shogunate,344 the reality seems to have been very different, as the increase of evangelization centers arranged by the Society of Jesus produced a religious corpus that could not subsist without these “service young men.” I am also led to conclude that, by analyzing the traces left in the documents, they did not put an end to their ownership of slaves in Japan. This fact becomes clear as, when the Jesuits were expelled from Japan in 1614, some slaves of theirs were confiscated by the Japanese authorities in Nagasaki ­harbor. The case of Jerónimo Iyo/Geronimo de la Cruz is extraordinary, as it clearly demonstrates that the recruitment of some members of the Society of Jesus originated through slavery. Although such men were not considered official members of the Society, they had the opportunity to ascend in the hierarchy if they had a particular talent. De la Cruz became an outstanding student because of his intellectual abilities, and even sought to reach the priesthood with the backing and guidance of Bishop Luís Cerqueira. This goal could not be achieved after the death of the aforementioned Bishop, as de la Cruz was dismissed from the Society of Jesus. However, his vocation and talent led him to join the Order of Saint Francis and become a priest in this religious order in 1619. Table 6.3 Japanese without surnames who belonged to the Society of Jesus Name Surname Adan/Adãoa André Alfonso/Afonso António António Bartolomeu Bastian/Sebastião Constantino Cristóvão 343 344 Amakusa Hirado Sanga Bungo Hirado Place of origin Amakusa Arima Hirado Sanga Bungo Hirado Isafai Bungo Year of birth 1518 1563 1563 1571? 1569? 1564 1566 1572 For example: the Battle of Sekigahara (関ヶ原の戦い) or the Siege of Osaka (大坂の陣). Tokugawa bakufu (徳川幕府).

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