When Anthony Benezet, the Quaker schoolteacher and abolitionist, published his first major pamphlet in 1762, it was the beginning of a crusade that would establish him as the most prolific a

african studies exercise and need a sample draft to help me learn.

Read the below journal article. Afterward, submit a five paragraph (six sentences per paragraph) summing up Anthony Benezet’s contribution to the plight of the enslaved.
Requirements: 5 paragraphs
Anthony Benezet’s Assertion of Negro Equality Author(s): Roger Bruns Source: The Journal of Negro History, Jul., 1971, Vol. 56, No. 3 (Jul., 1971), pp. 230-238 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2716274JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/termsAssociation for the Study of African American Life and History and The University of Chicago Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Negro HistoryThis content downloaded from 173.24.139.164 on Fri, 17 Mar 2023 01:57:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
ANTHONY BENEZET’S ASSERTION OF NEGRO EQUALITY by Roger Bruns National Historical Publications Commission, National Archives, Washington, D.C. When Anthony Benezet, the Quaker schoolteacher and abolitionist, published his first major pamphlet in 1762, it was the beginning of a crusade that would establish him as the most prolific anti-slavery propagandist during the period of the American Revolution. His writings would be widely circulated by influential politicians, religious leaders, philosophers, and fellow abolitionists. They would provide the growing abolitionist movement in the colonies with much fresh information regarding West Africa and the trade in slaves. Benezet would significantly influence other writers in their own attacks against the institution of slavery.1 He would offer to the antislavery argument an unequivocal assertion of the moral and intellectual equality of the black race. It is this aspect of Benezet’s writings – his uncompromising defense of the Negro’s character and humanity – that was at the vital center of his philosophy against slavery which deserves careful examination. It was one thing for a writer to base an antislavery attack on theological grounds alone or on the cruelty of the institution; it was another to base it on an affirmation of the intellectual and moral equality of the Negro people. Many writers and political figures had philosophically rejected the inherent corruption of slavery and yet believed that Negroes were on a lower evolutionary plane or were of a lower species than whites. Benezet’s attack upon widely held racial prejudices, therefore, placed him squarely against both the supporters of the institution of slavery and those opponents who were merely disgusted at many of its features. As slavery in America became wholly identified with the Negro, the justification for color caste was grounded on concepts of the mental and moral inferiority of the Negro race. They were described as a people created by nature in the likeness of beasts – a subhuman work force, contemptible in appearance, wretched in manner, lowly in mind, hopelessly incapable of assimilation into American society. 1. Working tirelessly in Quaker committees, petitioning colonial legislatures, accumulating and distributing contemporary antislavery writings, maintaining a close correspondence with most of the British abolitionists, Benezet exerted a very significant influence on the Eighteenth Century abolition movement. There is still a need, however, for an adequate biography of Benezet. The most recent attempt, George Brookes, Friend Anthony Benezet (Philadelphia, 1937), provides much information relating to Benezet’s work among the Quaker sect such as his teaching career in a school for black children and his assistance in the Quaker’s relations with the Indians. The book also provides a long section of Benezet’s correspondence. A very early biography, Roberts Vaux, Memoirs of the life of Anthony Benezet (Philadelphia, 1817) has only a minimal amount of information. For a discussion of Benezet’s antislavery activities among the Quakers, see Thomas Drake, Quakers and Slavery in America (New Haven, 1950). 230This content downloaded from 173.24.139.164 on Fri, 17 Mar 2023 01:57:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BENEZET’S ASSERTION OF NEGRO EQUALITY 231 The earlier Biblical explanations of the Negro as an innately inferior descendant from Ham were being supplanted in the Eighteenth Century by references to the “Great Chain of Being,” a theory very much in keeping with the rationalism of the Enlightenment. The scientific discoveries by Kepler, Newton and others had given to the popular philosophic mind a secular and empirical habit of thought and a reverence for the energies of reason. Perhaps all of nature’s phenomena – the causations and relationships, the interworking forces, the structured and harmonious system of the universe – could be explained by a trained mind. Perhaps all of the continuity and symmetry of the world could be discovered and understood. Perhaps even the answers to social problems and the imperfections of government would fall into convenient patterns such as Newton found in optics.2 Out of such an intellectual atmosphere scientists such as Buffon, Pierre de Maupertuis and Linnaeus developed intricate philosophical systems describing the origin and development of man as a Chain of Being, an evolutionary graduated continuum from the lowest to highest forms of life. The blacks, of course, were conveniently tucked at the bottom of the evolutionary ladders much closer to the ape than the white man.3 Here was a scientifically acceptable explanation of the Negro’s barbarism, of his lack of cultural sophistication. Here was the reason Africa remained uncivilized, irreligious and primitive. Here was an explanation of the physical, social and cultural characteristics of this unfamiliar species of animal. Whether the Negro was seen now as a descendant of Ham or as a lowly part of some hierarchical Linnaean gradation, he was widely held in contempt by scientist and politician, philosopher and historian. The comments of writers of varying professions and of varying importance indicate the extent to which the Negro race was considered inferior. Edward Long, author of The History of Jamaica, who had lived among blacks for twelve years as Vice Admiralty judge, called Negroes “brutish, ignorant, idle, crafty, treacherous, bloody, thievish, mistrustful, and superstitious . . .”4 Doctor Charles White, an eminent English physician and surgeon, admitting that blacks could receive rudimentary education, declared, however, that even some apes had been trained to play harps.5 In the spirit of Doctor White’s harp-playing ape, David Hume discounted the rumors of an educated Negro in Jamaica as a “parrot, who speaks a few words plainly.”6 2. Ralph Barton Perry, Puritanism and Democracy (New York, 1944), pp. 149-150. 3. David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca, 1966), pp. 455-457. 4. This passage is quoted in Davis, Slavery, pp. 461-462. 5. Thomas F. Gassett, Race – The History of an Idea in America (Dallas, 1963), pp. 47-50. 6. Essays Moral, Political and Literary (London, 1898), p. 252.This content downloaded from 173.24.139.164 on Fri, 17 Mar 2023 01:57:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
232 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY The Scottish jurist, Lord Kames, figured that the degeneration of Adam’s progeny into the Negro race was a “little puzzling.” There must have been another “recreation,” he decided, and this must have taken place at the time of the building of the Tower of Babal.7 A minister in Antigua and friend of Anthony Benezet, Nathaniel Gilbert, who was opposed to the institution of slavery, believed that Negroes were more suited to labor in the heat than the whites. He wrote to Benezet, “Negroes will sleep out of doors exposed to the scorching sun, at Mid-day, or close by a fire; and I do not remember ever to have heared a Negro complaint of heat.”8 Arthur Lee, assuring his readers in 1764 that he accepted ideas of the Enlightenment and abolition, asserted nevertheless, that the Negroes were “a race the most detestable and vile that ever the earth produced.”9 His antislavery position is not unique among many individuals who pressed for a be-kind-to-animals paternalism toward the blacks. “Negro” was often used as a term of derision. The evangelist Gilbert Tennent, while castigating the New England clergy, used such terms as “Caterpillars,” “Letter-learning Pharisees,” “dead Dogs that cannot Bark,” “dead Drones,” and “moral Negroes.” Even the dastardly New England clergy, he suggested, was at least moral.1 0 Perhaps the most difficult yet most critical defense of the rights of the Negro race for Benezet, and others such as John Wesley, Benjamin Rush and Samuel Hopkins, was in convincing readers that the Negroes were human in the same sense that they themselves were human. Even the passionately committed abolitionist, Granville Sharp, seemed to have his doubts. Accepting the Biblical explanation of the Negro’s descent from Ham, he wrote in 1772, “I am far from having any particular esteem for the Negroes; but … I think myself obliged to 7. Lord Henry Home Kames, Six Sketches on the History of Man (Philadelphia, 1776), pp. 44-50. 8. Extract of a letter written to Benezet enclosed by Benezet in his letter to George Dillwyn, February 15, 1774, Quaker Collection, Haverford College Library, Haverford, Pennsylvania. Gilbert preached to hundreds of Negroes weekly and seemed to have genuine respect for them. Because he believed only blacks capable of working in hot climates and since he opposed slavery, he favored abandoning the West Indies altogether. The idea that Negroes could work in hot countries with little effect on their physical condition was not an uncommon one. The evangelist George Whitfield decided in 1751 that he favored the importation of slaves into Georgia because many whites had been “destroyed” for want of them. Benezet to Countess of Huntington, April 10, 1775, Churchill College, Cambridge, England. 9. An Essay in Vindication of the Continental Colonies of America, from a Censure of Mr. Adam Smith, in His Theory of Moral Sentiments. With Some Reflections on Slavery in General (London, 1764), p. 12. Smith had tried to plead the inconsistency of a slaveholding country demanding liberty. An example of Lee’s antislavery views is in a letter to Granville Sharp in 1773. Lee wrote, “In whatever Light, we view Slavery, it is inadmissible … In a political Light, it is pernicious – in a legal Light, unjust – in a moral Light, inhuman – in a religious Light, impious …,” copies of letters to Granville Sharp, 1768-1773, B.V. Sec. Slavery, New York Historical Society. 10. Charles Chauncy, Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in New England (Boston, 1743), pp. 249-250.This content downloaded from 173.24.139.164 on Fri, 17 Mar 2023 01:57:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BENEZET’S ASSERTION OF NEGRO EQUALITY 233 consider them as men.”ll If Benezet could prove that the black was not a pumpkin-eating nimwit, his overall abolition crusade would have a more likely chance of success. As early as 1762 he was publicly arguing the Negro’s intellectual equality. In A Short Account he wrote, “Negroes are generally sensible, humane and sociable, that their Capacity is as good, and as capable of improvement, as that of the White People.”l 2 Just as secular and empirical philosophical approach produced theories of the “Great Chain of Being,” it also resulted in a dramatic concentration and study by philosophers and scientists of man in his environment. Winthrop Jordan has written, “Indeed, the flowering of environmentalism was one of the major historical developments of the second half of the eighteenth century.” The attempt to understand the external pressures and influences that played upon groups of men had an important effect in the arguments supporting innate Negro equality. Such environmentalist arguments could be potent ammunition to attack ideas of Negro inferiority. Men such as Montesquieu, Abbe Raynal, and Adam Smith had attributed the blackness of the African to climate and the characteristics of the black societies to such circumstantial factors as the lack of navigable rivers and geographic isolation. 3 Abolitionists such as Benjamin Rush would use such ideas to explain away everything from the Negro’s color to his living habits by attributing them to his African homeland and the effects that the African climate had on his culture. Anthony Benezet used this environmentalist.approach with a vengeance. In order to prove that the intellectual and moral differences between the races were not innate, Benezet portrayed the Negro in his “Natural” condition in his African homeland. His defense of the Negroes’ African society and culture gave to his antislavery argument much fresh and valuable information as well as some exaggeration and incongruous comparison. He drew an idyllic picture of a fruitful West African country, constantly yeilding fresh supplies of food, abounding in cattle, temperate in climate, rich in soil.14 In portraying the Negro in his West African environment, he was helped by such writers as M. Adanson, author of an account of Goree and Senegal in 1754. Benezet quoted Adanson: 11. Granville Sharp to Jacob Bryant, October 19, 1772, Granville Sharp Letterbook, York Minster Library, Dean’s Park, York, England. Sharp actually considered the Negro’s descent from Ham an indication of their humanity, suggesting a common heritage from the common stock of man, Adam and Eve. His comments, however, especially throughout this letterbook, indicate that Negro intellectual and spiritual equality was something rather difficult for him to accept and defend. 12. A Short Account of that Part of Africa Inhabited by the Negroes. With Respect to the Fertility of the Country; the Good Disposition of many of the Natives, and the Manner by Which the Slave Trade is carried on (Philadelphia, 1762), p. 8. 13. White Over Black (Chapel Hill, 1968), pp. 286-289. 14. Some Historical Account of Guinea, Its Situation, Produce and the general Disposition of its Inhabitants With An inquiry into the Rise and Progress of the Slave-Trade, its Nature and lamentable Effects (Philadelphia, 1771), pp. 1-6.This content downloaded from 173.24.139.164 on Fri, 17 Mar 2023 01:57:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
234 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY Which way soever I turned my Eyes on this pleasant Spot, I beheld a perfect Image of pure Nature; an agreeable Solitude, bounded on every Side by charming Landscapes, the rural Situation of Cottages in the Midst of Trees; the Ease and Indolence of the Negroes, reclined under Shade of their spreading Foliage; the Simplicity of their Dress and Manners; the whole revived in my Mind the Idea of our first Parents . . 15 Eden, innocence, nature’s unspoiled natives – the Negro in his own land was noble. Benezet put together, in numerous writings and in imposing quantity, accounts from French and Dutch factors and travelers such as Andrew Brue, William Smith, William Bosman, John Barbot and Francis More. He concluded that West Africans were generally good natured, sociable, honest, courteous, and civil. He talked of a people kindly disposed to each other, simple in manner, humane, somewhat superstitious and inclined to idolatry but sober, industrious and intelligent.1 6 Attacking the idea that the Negro lacked culture, Benezet described a society oriented in basic modes of government and law. He described a culture in which adultery was generally a capital offense and compared it to a slave plantation where fornication and adultery were encouraged, where legal marriage was essentially non-existent, where man and woman were often separated by sale.17 He taunted the clergy for expressing concern over the slaves’ lack of acquaintance with Christian religion and yet tolerating acts contrary to it. He accused the whites of arguing in circles, forcing subjugation on the black race and then using the results of the subjugation to reason that the race was inferior. He wrote, “Let us diligently compare and impartially weigh the situation of those ignorant Negroes, & these enlightened Christians; then lift up the scale & say which of the two are the greater savages.”1 8 He charged that the Negroes were “entirely different from the stupified and malicious people some would have thought them to be. They have judgment and industry sufficient to cultivate their country.”19 He saw the claim of Negro inferiority as a “vulgar prejudice, founded on the Pride and Ignorance of the lordly Masters, who have kept their Slaves at such a distance, as to be unable to form a right judgment of them.”20 He wrote, “Some who have only seen negroes in an abject state of slavery, broken-spirited and dejected, knowing nothing of their situation in their native country, may apprehend that they are 15. A Caution and Warning to Great Britain, and Her Colonies in a Short Representation of the Calamitous State of the Enslaved Negroes in the British Dominions (Philadelphia, 1767), p. 16. 16. Some HistoricalAccount, pp. 11-17. 17. Ibid., pp. 36-37. 18. Ibid., p. 64. 19. A Short Account, p. 19. 20. Short Observations on Slavery – Introductory to some Extracts from the Writing of the Abbe Raynal, on that important subject (Philadelphia, 1781), p. 12.This content downloaded from 173.24.139.164 on Fri, 17 Mar 2023 01:57:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BENEZET’S ASSERTION OF NEGRO EQUALITY 235 naturally insensible of the benefits of liberty, being estitute and miserable in every respect . . .” On the contrary he asserted that “the inhabitants of Guinea appear generally speaking, to be an industrious, humane, sociable people, whose capacities are naturally as enlarged and as open to improvement as those of the Europeans.. .”21 Much of the information relating to Africa which Benezet presented and many of his conclusions regarding the problems of intelligence, culture and race were accurate and a valuable challenge to the prevailing ideas of that land as a forbidding and evil jungle and its people as stupefied idiots. Benezet, however, in attacking the European slave traders and the system under which the trade was sanctioned, inadvertently in his descriptions suggested that the Africans were rather simpleminded and culturally retarded. In charging that Africa had been despoiled and vitiated by European slave traders he pictured the black kings as depraved weaklings. His recounting of the actions of the kings involved in the slave trade may have been accurate, but his subtle attempt to mitigate moral responsibility from their shoulders led to such descriptions as the following from A Caution and Warning: Even the power of their kings hath been made subservient … instead of being protectors of their people, these rulers, allured by the tempting bait laid before them by the European factors, &c., have invaded the liberties of their unhappy subjects and are become their oppressors. Those who are acquainted with the trade agree that many Negroes on the sea-coast, who have been corrupted by their intercourse and converse with the European factors, have learned to stick at no act of cruelty for gain. Benezet’s portrayal of the black slave merchants was similar to his portrayal of the black kings.22 In his descriptions they were not shrewd, calculating traders deftly lining their pockets but dupes, pitiful, misguided, made vicious only by European intrigue. Apparently believing that direct moral implication of black kings and black traders in their own people’s slavery would have hurt his case, Benezet, like other abolitionists, described the kings and traders as completely under the power of the Europeans, involved in the institution of slavery only because of European deception and cunning. His avoidance of the issue of black moral involvement and descriptions he offered instead did little to argue for black intellectual equality, implying as it did that the leaders of the country would easily succumb to European graft and also implying that the black slave traders as well as their victims were a people easily deceived, effectively corrupted. After describing the Negro in his favorable African environment and after defending black culture, Benezet attacked the institution of slavery as the 21. A Caution and Warning, pp. 6-7. 22. Ibid., pp. 22-25.This content downloaded from 173.24.139.164 on Fri, 17 Mar 2023 01:57:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
236 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY instrument by which intelligent men were reduced to animals. Slavery – its driving ache, monotony, and overwhelming fatigue – had sunk the slave to a pitiful physical and emotional condition. The continual rigorous and demeaning labor, the lack of education, the strangeness of the white people and their language, the punishments, the loss of relatives, the lack of opportunity to improve talents or make decisions had destroyed incentive. Broken in spirit, humiliated by caste, the slave could expect no reasonable fate other than slavery. He could expect no opportunities for material wealth, no rewards for his work, no honor. His dominant character trait was fear. Docility, depression and idleness were the fruits of a constant persuader to a man that he was not one.23 When Benezet described Africa and compared the Negro in his natural condition to his condition under slavery, he approached the problem of equality in terms of environmental arguments, arguments popularly advanced in this period. Underlying this approach, however, was his religious conviction, always of very critical importance in any of his writings. Quakerism, of course, emphatically stressed man’s spiritual equality. Robert Barclay, the Quaker apologist, wrote, “Christ is in all men as in a seed, yea, and that he never is nor can be separate from that holy pure seed and Light which is in all men.”24 This concept of the “Inner Light,” the intuitive self-evident truth of God in all men, led naturally to an acceptance of the equality of man under God. The refusal to doff the hat, the use of plain language and other Quaker practices were representative of this kind of equalitarianism. George Fox had written, “Moreover when the Lord sent me forth into the world, he forbade me to put off my hat to any, high or low; and I was required to ‘thee’ and ‘thou’ all men and women, without any respect to rich and poor, great or small.”2 5 This primary belief in the “Inner Light” had, of course, drawn derision and scorn from the more established churches. It had long smacked of that “leveling Spirit” despised by so many. If even the lowest, groveling human being, especially the slave, could receive divine inspiration, the doctrines of election would be given a rude slap. The belief in the “Inner Light” had been a very significant motivating factor in driving the Quakers into various social reforms, especially into the opposition to the institution of slavery.26 Frederick Tolles has written that Anthony Benezet spoke the voice of the primitive Friends.27 Standing against much of the opulence and acquisitiveness that began to pervade the Quaker counting house in the Eighteenth Century, Benezet wrote that the spirit of God and religion “raises even the very Beggar as 23. Some Historical Account, pp. 30-34;A Short Account, pp. 51-56. 24. An Apology for the True Christian Divinity (New York, 1827), p. 143. 25. John Nickalls, ed., The Journal of George Fox (Cambridge, 1952), p. 36. 26. The best treatment of Quaker humanitarianism is Auguste Jorns, The Quakers as Pioneers in Social Work, trans. by F. Brown (New York, 1931); another well documented study of the background of Quaker reform movements is Sydney James, A People Among Peoples (Cambridge, 1963). 27. Meeting House and Counting House: The Quaker Merchants of Colonial Philadelphia, 1 682-1 783 (New York, 1963), pp. 80-84.This content downloaded from 173.24.139.164 on Fri, 17 Mar 2023 01:57:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BENEZET’S ASSERTION OF NEGRO EQUALITY 237 from the Dunghill, and causes him to Sit among Princes.”28 As for salvation God favored the indigent and humble. Benezet wrote, “. . . still it remains true in all times that predominantly the choice is of the meaner sort, God testifying how little he esteems these things that men count great, these endowments of wit, Elloquence which men so much admire … calls to the inheritance of glory, poor despised creatures that are looked upon as the refuse of the world.”29 If the Negro were “as free as ourselves by nature & equally with us the objects of redeeming Grace . . .,”3 0 as Benezet claimed, then slavery had to be a despicable sin. The charges that the institution of slavery was sinful and that masters and slavedealers were committing very serious sins against God were ones which Benezet repeated in nearly every one of his writings. The will of God had allotted to every man his life and body as his most primordial possession. He had dignity because he was in direct relationship with God, and his chances for salvation rested on the primary interaction between man and God. In the heart of each man was an inward power; slavery impeded the force of this power, constraining the slave into a condition that exhausted his energies, his ability to think, his opportunity to discriminate morally and thus his chance to pursue a religious life. An offense against a slave was an offense against God. As all human beings were ends in themselves, the blacks had absolute spiritual value in their nature. Any arbitrary treatment of other human beings would surely bring divine retribution.31 All of Benezet’s writings are a personal religious affirmation, and, as is the case in any of his approaches to the question of slavery, he viewed the problem of the nature of the Negro from a religious point of view. His careful cataloging of descriptions and reports of the Negro in Africa, the defense of the Negro’s culture, and the explanations of the debilitating effects of slavery only reinforced a basic religious notion – that the black man was equally under God’s grace and equally the heir to salvation. Benezet’s entire antislavery philosophy is grounded on the assumption of Negro intellectual, spiritual and moral equality. He wrote of himself: A. Benezet, teacher of a school established by private subscription, in Philadelphia, for the instruction of the Black Children 28. Benezet to Samuel Allinson, December 14, -, Quaker Collection, Haverford College Library. 29. Benezet to Sophia Hume (copy), February 16, 1768, Awmack MS (MS vol. S52), Friends’ House Library, London. 30. Benezet to David Barclay, April 29, 1767; in possession of R. Q. Gurney, Bawdeswell Hall, East Dereham, Norfolk, England. See also A Caution and Warning, p. 31. 31. See especially the note in copy of Thomas Thompson, The African Trade for Negro Slaves, Shewn to be Consistent with Principles of Humanity, and with the Laws of Revealed Religion (Canterbury, England, 1772), margin, p. 11, Rutgers University Library, New Brunswick, New Jersey. Benezet, answering the pro-slavery arguments of Thompson in a copy of Thompson’s book called the slave trade “a national Sin!” See also Benezet, Observations on the Inslaving, importing and purchasing of Negroes (Germantown, 1759), pp. 3-11; Benezet, Some Serious and Awful Considerations Recommended to All, particularly the Youth in a Representation of the Uncertainty of a Death-Bed Repentance (Philadelphia, 1769), pp. 20-30; A Short Account pp. 1-2.This content downloaded from 173.24.139.164 on Fri, 17 Mar 2023 01:57:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
238 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY and others of that people, has, for many years, had opportunity of knowing the temper and genius of the Africans; particularly of those under his tuition, who have been many, of different ages; and he can with Truth and Sincerity declare, that he has found amongst them as great variety of Talents, equally capable of improvement, as amongst a like number of Whites.3 2 Dwight Dumond has written, “In its broader aspects slavery was the apotheosis of the principle of Negro inferiority, a functional philosophy which overreached the geographical limits of bond labor and conditioned social attitudes.” The fact that human slavery in America was at this time identified with the black race, a race generally considered inferior and created as a labor force, prompted Benezet to attempt a forceful and passionate assertion of black equality. If some of his ideas concerning the Negro and his culture were simplistic and overdrawn, he at least, in this regard, must be compared with large numbers of politicians, philosophers and religious leaders who, although they may have been opposed to the institution of slavery, nevertheless considered the Negro as no more than a heathen. 32. A Caution and Warning, pp. 11-12. 33. Antislavery Origins of the Civil War in the United States (Ann Arbor, 1939), p. 52.This content downloaded from 173.24.139.164 on Fri, 17 Mar 2023 01:57:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

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