For thousands of years, people have been forced to flee their homelands due to war and political violence and seek refuge in other countries. According to the most recent figures, an estimated 65.6 million people are uprooted by war and arm conflict worldwide, approximately 24.5 million of which are refugees [United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2018]. A refugee is defined as a person who has been forced to flee his or her country due to “a well-founded fear of persecution” based on “race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group” (UNHCR, 2018). Thus, unlike other immigrant populations, refugees cannot return or be forced to return to their homeland. Refugees come from almost every continent. Today two-thirds of uprooted populations come primarily from five countries: Syria, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Myanmar (Burma), and Somalia.

Since shortly after World War II, the United States has been one of many countries to provide a safe haven for refugees (United Nation Refugee Agency, 2016). Since the Refugee Act of 1980, the United States has resettled more than 3 million refugees from Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East (UNHCR, 2018). Historically, the largest groups of refugees to enter the United States came from Vietnam, Russia, Iraq, Bosnia, Laos, Burma, Somalia, Iran, Cuba, and Cambodia (Dyssegaard & Mathema, 2016).

The number of refugees admitted in the United States each year changes according to global demands and U.S priorities. For instance, during the years of 1990-1995, approximately 112,000 refugees from the former Soviet Union were resettled in the United States. Since then, the yearly allotment has leveled to approximately 70,000 refugees. Despite these numbers, less than one percent of the world’s refugee population are permanently resettled (UNHCR, 2018).

Since refugees come from different backgrounds and regions, their group and individual experiences are unique. However, studies show that they share some common characteristics (Kirmayer et al, 2011; Rohlof, Knipscher, & Kleber, 2014; Werkuyten & Nekuee, 1999; Young & Chan, 2015). For instance, refugees tend to gain self-sufficiency relatively quickly, which is the overarching goal of federal resettlement policies (Capp et al, 2015). Furthermore, like other immigrant groups, refugees come to the United States with strong traditions, cultural values, and personal resources which is indicative of their resilience and supports their adjustment (Capp et al, 2015; Kirmayer et al, 2011).

Life in the United States often comes with many additional challenges for refugees. Prior to arrival, they usually have experienced numerous stressors, including religious and political persecution, war, famine, loss of home, death of loved ones, and extensive stays in substandard conditions at refugee camps (Kirmayer et al, 2011; Young & Chan, 2015). Their difficulties often continue after resettlement, as they seek to adjust to a new country with an unfamiliar language, culture, social, and economic system ((Bentley, Thoburn, Stewart, & Boynton, 2012; Kirmayer et al, 2011; Young & Chan, 2015). In addition, refugees sometimes encounter prejudice and discrimination from the native community (Hein, 1995). In the United States this tend to be true of refugees who are visually, culturally, and linguistically different, such as individuals from African or Muslim countries (Kirmayer et al, 2011; Young & Chan, 2015). Furthermore, refugees originating from poor backgrounds face additional acculturation challenges (Kirmayer et al, 2011; Young & Chan, 2015). For these individuals, environmental mastery, employment mismatch, and technological inadequacies make it more difficult for them to achieve their goals. Thus, adjusting to an urban environment, such as major cities in the United States, can create culture shock for refugees. Furthermore, difficulty navigating the health, education, social service, and housing systems (Kirmayer et al, 2011; Young & Chan, 2015) limits access to vital resources, which can result in adverse consequences for refugees. Studies show refugees are more vulnerable to poor health habits, increased morbidity, and decreased life expectancy (Williams & Thompson, 2011).

The trauma refugees experience impact more than their mental health, it disrupts their lives on a psychosocial level as well. Evidence show that refugees’ trauma is usually interrelated and cumulative, affecting their sense of identity, feelings of empowerment, and their ability to find meaning in life (Schweitzer, Melville, Steel, & Lacharez, 2006). Moreover, the extent of exposure to trauma is positively related to the levels of distress in refugees. Steel, Silove, Phan and Bauman (1999) found that refugees who reported exposure to one or more categories of traumatic experiences doubled their risk for mental health issues. Additionally, for those who reported three or more categories of trauma, the risk of psychological distress increased eight-folds

Research also indicates that psychological symptoms generally decrease with time (Goodkind, 2006). However, symptoms can persist for individuals who have experienced more trauma. Thus, refugees who have been resettled a long time are more likely to report feelings of well-being. In contrast, several studies found that trauma in refugee populations sometimes have long-term, secondary effects (Murray, Davidson, & Schweitzer, 2010; Steel et al, 1999). Hence, an individual who seems to be functioning well after resettlement may suddenly regress and develop symptoms of post-traumatic distress while facing the challenges of resettlement.

Substantial data have demonstrated the adaptive nature of spirituality in improving the outcomes for individuals in a myriad of adverse life events, including cancer (e.g., Visser, Garssen, & Vingerhoets, 2010) and substance abuse (e.g., Blakey, 2016). This has also been found to be true for ethnic and immigrant communities, including refugees, who are coping with adjusting after change and loss (Benson, Sun, Hodge, & Androff, 2011; (Bursztein, Levav, & Levine, 2017; Clarke, 2009; Kamya, 2000). Spiritual intelligence is also considered to promote adaptive problem-solving. King and DeCicco (2009) state that spiritual intelligence may prove to be highly adaptive during times of great adversity, including moments of existential crises when life seems meaningless due to trauma, loss, isolation, or death. In the case of refugees, spiritual intelligence may prove useful as a coping mechanism for dealing with trauma after resettlement. For instance, when faced with life challenges, existential contemplation, constructing new meaning, and increased awareness of one’s transcendent self may aid in finding meaning and making sense of past and present adversities.

Rationale (gap)

Refugees’ experiences expose them to an array of stressors that threaten their psychological well-being. Studies show that the adverse effects of trauma can persist many years after resettlement, subsequently, hindering successful adjustment to a new life and impacting the ability to achieve psychological wellness (Goodkind, 2006; Kirmayer et al, 2011; Young & Chan, 2015). Poor adjustment has been found to intensify psychological problems in refugees, leading to high rates of suicide, behavioral problems, substance abuse, and psychological pathologies.

Although empirical data have found links between psychological well-being and spiritual intelligence, as of date, no such research has examined these variables in refugee populations. It is argued that the adaptive nature of spiritual intelligence may prove to be useful in helping refugees to overcome trauma and improve their psychological well-being.

This study’s primary purpose was to explore if refugees’ use of spiritual acuity is related to their ability to cope with past and present trauma and achieve psychological well-being. The primary research question and hypothesis which guides this study are:

H10a: There is no statistically significant relationship between spiritual intelligence

and psychological well-being in refugees in the United States.

H11a: There is a statistically significant relationship between spiritual intelligence and psychological well-being in refugees in the United States.

Study Design

Understanding how spiritual intelligence influences psychological well-being in refugees is crucial for developing culturally informed interventions and services to improve their quality of life. Research shows that the current method of providing healthcare to refugees and other immigrants are limited (Goodkind, 2006). Language barriers, different cultural beliefs, fear of stigma, hesitancy to seek psychological care outside their social networks, and poverty hinders access to these vital services (Goodkind, 2006).

Method Comment by lori daniels: Begin Part 2 (Method) here

Participants

Caribbean, South American, and Central American refugees will not be recruited for this study. These exclusions were made to limit possible confounding variables due to the difference in trauma and resettlement experiences between these refugees and the target group of refugees. For instance, Cuban, Haitian, Central and South American refugees usually have very different reasons for escaping their home country and seeking asylum in the United States, and the governmental and immigration policies are different for these refugees (UNHCR, 2018). In addition, refugees excluded from this study often voluntarily migrate to the United States, selecting a country where they already have social ties and job prospects (UNHCR, 2018). Such affordances are typically not available to the refugee communities that were targeted in this research. The target population for this study are generally assigned to their host country via lottery – not by choice (UNHCR, 2018), which makes them less likely to have preexisting ties in terms of community and social support. These dissimilar migration factors and variances in acculturation experiences might differently affect their adjustment in the United States. Hence, the exclusion of certain refugee communities from this current study.

The recruitment process will begin upon receiving approval from Keiser University Institutional Review Board (IRB). Announcements will be posted on various social media platforms (Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter, LinkedIn, and Messenger) and sent by email to personal contacts and refugee organizations. Requests will made for recruitment flyers to be distributed at refugee organizations, cultural events, cyber cafes, religious institutions, and to the employees and parents of an international school.

In appreciation for their time, all participants who completed the study will have the choice to enter a random drawing for a $100 Amazon gift card. Studies have shown that these types of financial incentives can increase participation without affecting the validity of a study (Dillman, Smyth, & Christian, 2014; Tuten, Bosnjak, & Bandilla, 2000).

Demographic Questionnaire

The demographic questionnaire consists of 9 items designed to capture sample characteristics and determine level of trauma experienced. General demographic and descriptive information includes sex, age, country of origin, religious affiliation, spiritual identity, and number of years resettled in the United States. In addition, participants were asked to report on the length of time they resided in a refugee camp (if any) prior to their entrance in the United States, and the types of traumatic events they have experienced (if any). The list of traumatic events in the demographic questionnaire was based on the most frequent forms of traumatic experiences reported by refugees and asylum seekers in a study conducted by Carswell, Blackburn and Barker (2009) on trauma, post-migration stressors, and psychological well-being in refugees and asylum seekers. Demographic information of the current study was used for descriptive data, to reveal relationships of interest, and to generate questions for future research.