How colonialism has affected the social status of blacks and mulattos in the Dominican Republic. o ?The legacy of colonialism: Racial Hierarchy

Scholarly analysis of the relationship between church and politics is multifaceted and complex. Nevertheless, as many scholars have shown, there is an intimate relationship between the historical legacy of the church and its institutions, and the political cultures and institutions of a given society.[footnoteRef:1] Daniel Levine, a noted scholar of church and politics in Andean region of South America, observed: “Their mutual centrality is not surprising. Politics, after all, deals at the most general level with the organizing principles and symbols of the entire society. Religion, in turn, provides values which give meaning to human life, placing any given set of social or political events in a broader framework of significance. ”[footnoteRef:2] [1: For more on political cultures see Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations. London, UK: Sage Publications, 1989; Daniel J. Elazar, American Federalism; a View from the States. (New York: Crowell, 1972) and Joseph Holbrook, “Church, State and Political Culture in Brazil and Colombia.” Masters thesis. Green Library: Florida International University, 2006.] [2: Daniel H. Levine, Churches and Politics in Latin America (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1980), 35. ]

Religion and politics have been closely intertwined in Latin America since the conquest of the Americas and even earlier in the eight-hundred-year Reconquista of the Iberian Peninsula. Religion was a central aspect of the development of Spanish institutions and social processes. Nevertheless, as Levine observed, the historical relationship between the political and the religious spheres underwent a “profound transformation” in the second half of the twentieth century.[footnoteRef:3] [3: Daniel H Levine, Religion and Politics in Latin America: The Catholic Church in Venezuela and Colombia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1981), 3. ]

In contrast to North America, where religious pluralism and separation of church and state were the norm from the early constitutional period of national development, traditional Catholicism in Latin America was hegemonic and monopolistic.[footnoteRef:4] Latin American elites who desired to initiate political changes in the nineteenth century found religion to be an obstacle to liberal reforms. By way of contrast, Latin American conservatives looked to the Iberian Catholic heritage as a unifying and stabilizing force for society. Attempts to modernize Latin America oscillated between liberal reforms and authoritarian repression throughout the tumultuous nineteenth century. There were frequent attempts to bring about reform of traditional structures, occasionally resulting in the violent overthrow of existing regimes and more often resulting in conservative reaction or military repression.[footnoteRef:5] Beginning as early as the eighteenth-century Bourbon Reforms and the early nineteenth-century wars of independence and continuing through the twentieth century and into the post-WWII period of the Cold War, attempts at political reform have been constant among Latin American republics, sometimes escalating into full-scale revolutions in the twentieth century.[footnoteRef:6] In nineteenth-century Latin America, conflicts between anti-clerical Liberals and pro-Catholic Conservatives were at the heart of church-state conflicts over education, church property, legal exemptions and constitutional guarantees of freedom of worship, or, on the other hand, concordats between the state and the church.[footnoteRef:7] [4: David Martin, A General Theory of Secularization (New York: Harper & Row, 1978), 5-6. ] [5: “Reform versus revolution” is a prominent theme in Latin America. See Marshall C. Eakin, The History Of Latin America: Collision of Cultures (New York: Palgrave Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 2007), 149, 351-376. Eakin devotes several chapters to examples of political reform, and yet other chapters to pre- and post-1959 revolutions. ] [6: See Timothy Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America; A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1992), 300. Wickham-Crowley analyzes a number of attempted revolutions in the latter half of the twentieth century such as the Bolivian Revolution (1952), Guatemalan reforms (1953), the Cuban Revolution (1959), and the Nicaraguan Revolution (1979). Also see Hannah Arendt, On Revolution (New York,: Viking Press, 1965). ] [7: Eakin, Collision: 204-5.]

In the twentieth century, religious and political conflicts, often resulting from attempts to bring about political reform, have been just as frequent and often just as violent as in the nineteenth century. From the Cristero revolt in Mexico (1927-29) through the Spanish civil war (1936-39), La Violencia in Colombia (1948-56), and the Nicaraguan Revolution (1979), the church has often been at the center of attempts to resist or promote reform or revolution.[footnoteRef:8] Even estimating conservatively, hundreds of thousands of people have died in bloody conflicts that had some element of religious conflict. In many cases, religion played a legitimizing role as an ally of political elites; in others, religion provided an ethical justification and moral inspiration for reformers or revolutionaries attempting to bring about social and political change. In Cuba from 1953 to 1961, the church vacillated and failed to take a clear position on the current political and social issues and eventually was marginalized in the Cuban Revolution (1959). In Brazil, after the military crushed attempts at political reform and imposed repressive measures on Brazilian society (1964), the Catholic Church moved into a stance of critical opposition to the military regime and became the primary defender of human rights while providing social space for resistance and eventual political reforms. [8: Matthew Butler, Popular Piety and Political Identity in Mexico’s Cristero Rebellion : Michoacán, 1927–29 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). For an extreme case of Catholic involvement in Conservative politics, see Safford: Frank Safford and Marco Palacios, Colombia: Fragmented Land, Divided Society (Oxford, UK: Oxford UP, 2002), 164-8, and 188. For a discussion of the Catholic Church and the Spanish Civil War see Stanley G. Payne, Spanish Catholicism: An Historical Overview (Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1984), 157-170. For information on religious factors in La Violencia in Colombia in 1948, see Safford, Colombia: 321, and Alexander Wilde, Conversaciones de Caballeros : La Quiebra de la Democracia en Colombia (Bogotá, Colombia: Ediciones Tercer Mundo, 1982). ]

Youth and students have often been central to these reformist and revolutionary conflicts. Student movements in Latin America have a long tradition of involvement in national politics. Youth movements of various kinds began to appear in the nineteenth century. The World Student Christian Federation (WSCF) and the international Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) organization had their origins in the mid-nineteenth century. Christian student movements held international conferences that brought together students both from advanced and developing nations and this interaction stimulated early student nationalism. Specifically, political youth organizations followed in the twentieth century. The Socialist Youth International began in 1907 and claimed several thousand members, primarily from the German-speaking countries. Students actively opposed the growing militarism before the First World War. Most of the early international student activity ended with the war and only began again after 1918.[footnoteRef:9] Student movements in Spanish America rose to prominence with the university reform movement that dates its origins to the early twentieth century in the Southern Cone of South America.[footnoteRef:10] The Latin American university reform movement has been traditionally traced to the University of Córdoba in 1918. Nevertheless, Mark van Akin traces university reform to international university congresses that were held in Peru and Uruguay in 1908 and 1912 as the true origins of the movement. Despite the impression given in the historical literature regarding the beginnings of university reform, sentiments for university reform were percolating in various parts of Latin America at the turn of the century. [9: Philip G. Altbach, “The International Student Movement,” Journal of Contemporary History 5.1, Generations in Conflict (1970): 159.] [10: Mark J. van Akin, “University Reform Before Cordóba,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 51.3 (Aug 1971), 448. ]

Since the growth and expansion of the university reform movement from Argentina to numerous other countries in South America and the Caribbean, Latin American university student movements have had a larger political significance in their respective countries compared with similar movements in North America. This was in part because of their frequent opposition to national governments and even occasional participation in the overthrow of governments.[footnoteRef:11] [11: Kenneth N. Walker, “A Comparison of University Reform Movements in Argentina and Colombia,” Comparative Education Review 10.2, Special Issue on Student Politics (June 1966): 256.]

Why have Latin American students appeared to be more politically active and socially influential than their North American counter-parts, at least until the 1960s? Some possible factors include the lack of a full-time faculty and the presence of student participation in university government in most Latin American universities. Beginning in 1919 and continuing into the twenties, the reform movement spread to other Latin American countries, with varying success in the institution of reforms.[footnoteRef:12] It spread to Colombia in the early 1920s and Cuba in 1930.[footnoteRef:13] [12: Walker, University Reform: 256, 263.] [13: Jaime Suchlicki, University Students and Revolution in Cuba, 1920–1968 (Coral Gables, FL.: U of Miami P, 1969) .]

The interwar years of the twenties and thirties were a period of ideological radicalization of students and youth. Nazi, Fascist, Communist, Socialist and Anarchist parties were intensively recruiting student participation in their various ideologies. The Catholic Church also entered wholeheartedly into the ideological competition with various youth organizations under the general umbrella of Catholic Action. Each of these competing ideologies, including conservative ‘ultramontanist’ Catholicism, had within them diverse and competing groups.[footnoteRef:14] [14: Ultramontane means “over the mountain” and is used to describe the tendency toward a heavy focus on obedience to the Pope rather than church councils or a national church.]

The bitter experience of the Spanish Civil War and World War II facilitated diverging ideological orientations within Catholic student movements. The largely conservative Spanish and Italian Catholic youth organizations were influenced by their need to survive under the Falangist and Fascist regimes. Catholic students in France, Belgium, Canada and the United States identified with the allied western democracies and the fight against fascism and were influenced by democratic pluralism.[footnoteRef:15] [15: Ana Maria Bidegain, personal conversation (Department of Religion, Florida International University, January 27, 2009). ]

Students are often idealistic, tending to hold to a purist and Weberian “ethic of conviction” that bars political compromise and that leads student movements to confront national political institutions for their moral inconsistencies.[footnoteRef:16] The need of a younger generation to establish its independence from the preceding generation may often correspond to the dynamics of revolutionary political groups.[footnoteRef:17] Timothy Wickham-Crowley documented the average ages of revolutionary guerilla leaders in Latin America to be from the late twenties (Guatemala, Cuba) to the early thirties (Venezuela, Peru and Bolivia).[footnoteRef:18] It seems that at least one significant factor in reform and revolutionary movements is generational tension. [16: Max Weber, “Politics as a Vocation,” in The Vocation Lectures, ed. David Owen and Tracy B. Strong, trans. Rodney Livingston (Indianapolis, Ind.: Hackett Publishing Co., 2004), 83. ] [17: Seymour Martin Lipset, “University Students and Politics in Underdeveloped Countries,” in Students and Politics, ed. Seymour Martin Lipset (New York: Basic Books, 1967), 17-18; Philip G. Altbach, “Student Politics in the Third World,” Higher Education 13, no. 6 (December 1984): 649. ] [18: Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas, 20. ]

Although there are a number of other valuable studies on the political and religious roles of Catholic Action in other countries of Latin America, relatively less has been written on the political role of the Church in Cuba.[footnoteRef:19] Louis Perez, Jr.’s On Becoming Cuban contains a section specifically dealing with Catholic Action) as well as the North American connection to the Protestant Missions in Cuba.[footnoteRef:20] For background reading on the revolution, The Cuban Insurrection by Ramon Bonachea and Marta San Martin is helpful, giving specific information about Frank País, a Baptist pastor’s son and leader of the July 26th Movement and Catholic student leader José Antonio Echeverría of the Directorio Revolucionario (Revolucionary Directory). A similar but more concise work is provided by Gladys Marcel García-Pérez, a Cuban historian. Although she avoids direct criticism of Fidel Castro’s role in the revolution, García-Pérez’s book provides a valuable overview of the development of the Cuban insurrection against Batista with a primary focus on Matanzas.[footnoteRef:21] [19: Luiz Alberto Gómez de Souza, A JUC: Os Estudantes Católicos e a Política (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1984); Ana María Bidegain, “La Organización de Movimientos de Juventud de Acción Católica en América Latina: Los Casos de los Obreros y Universitarios en Brasil y en Colombia Entre 1930 y 1956” (Ph.D. diss., Brussels, Belgium: Universite Catholique de Louvain, 1979); Ana Maria Bidegain, “From Catholic Action to Liberation Theology: The Historical Process of Laity in Latin America in the Twentieth Century” (Working paper, Notre Dame, IN: Kellogg Institute for International Studies, 1985). ] [20: Fernando Ortiz, Cuban Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugar (London: Duke University Press, 1995); Louis A. Pérez, Jr., On Becoming Cuban: Identity, Nationality, & Culture (New York: Ecco Press, 1999), 230–242, 478, 487; Louis A. Pérez, Jr., Cuba: Between Reform & Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 230–331. ] [21: Although Bonachea and San Martin provide a good account of the Cuban insurrection, they demonstrate a notable disinterest in the political role of the Church and in particular the Catholic student lay organizations. Ramón L. Bonachea and Marta San Martín, The Cuban Insurrection 1952–1959 (New Brunswick, NJ: Transactions Books, 1995), 39, 44; Gladys Marel García-Pérez, Insurrection and Revolution: Armed Struggle in Cuba, 1952–1959, trans. Juan Ortega (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998). ]

In some respects, more has been written (at least in English) from a scholarly perspective on Protestantism in Cuba than Catholicism. A comprehensive study was carried out by Marcos Antonio Ramos. Rafael Cepeda edited a report on an ecumenical Protestant gathering in Matanzas in 1984 with interesting material on Protestantism and social concerns. Samuel Guy Inman documented a similar gathering in Havana in 1929. Luis Martínez-Fernández studied the early beginnings of Protestantism in Cuba and Puerto Rico in the nineteenth century. Jason Yaremko carries forward historical study of the growth of Protestantism after Cuban independence and convincingly demonstrates the strong connection between Protestantism and North American imperialism and documents the eventual rupture between Cuban Protestants and U.S. missionary overseers.[footnoteRef:22] Studies of progressive Catholicism and Catholic Action youth movements in Cuba in the 1950s are even scarcer. Manuel Fernández Santalices was the former editor of Juventud, the official magazine of Catholic Action and was the co-founder of the progressive Franciscan journal La Quincena. Fernández has written several books on the role of the Church in pre-Revolutionary Cuba.[footnoteRef:23] Another helpful resource is La Voz de La Iglesia. This book consists of one hundred pastoral letters written by the Cuban bishops written from the mid-1950s through the 1980s.[footnoteRef:24] [22: Marcos Antonio Ramos, Panorama del Protestantismo en Cuba (San Jose, Costa Rica: Editorial Caribe, 1986); Rafael Cepeda, ed., La Herencia Misionera en Cuba (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial DEI, 1986); Samuel Guy Inman, Evangelicals at Havana: Being an Account of the Hispanic American Evangelical Congress, at Havana, Cuba, June 20–30, 1929 (New York: Committee on Cooperation in Latin America, n.d.); Luis Martínez-Fernández, Protestantism and Political Conflict in the Nineteenth-Century Hispanic Caribbean (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2002); Jason Yaremko, U.S. Protestant Missions in Cuba From Independence to Castro (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2000). ] [23: La Quincena (Havana), 1956–1961, Special Collections, Florida International University; Manuel Fernández Santalices, Cuba: Catolicismo y Sociedad en un Siglo de Independencia (Caracas: Honrad Adenauer Stiftung, 1996); Manuel Fernández Santalices, Religión y Revolución en Cuba: Veinticinco Años de Lucha Ateista (Miami, FL: Saeta Ediciones, 1984). ] [24: Joaquín Estrada Montalbán, comp. and ed., Iglesia Católica y Nacionalidad Cubana: Encuentros Nacionales de Historia (Miami, FL: Ediciones Universal, 2005); “Secretariado General Conferencia de Obispos Católicos de Cuba,” La Voz de la Iglesia en Cuba, 100 Documentos Episcopales (México, D.F.: Conferencia de Obispos Católicos de Cuba, 1995). ]

The only book that specifically focuses on Catholic Action in Cuba is Con la Estrella y la Cruz by Teresa Fernández Soneira,[footnoteRef:25] who provides a history of Catholic Action drawn primarily from personal interviews, magazines (Bohemia), newspapers (Diario de la Marina) and from the archives of the magazine, Juventud Católica Cubana, in Havana. The book quotes at length from abundant primary text material in a series of stories with minimal editorial comment. The book provides footnotes but no bibliography. There is a need for a comprehensive historical work on the history of the Catholic Church in twentieth-century Cuba that considers its complex relationship with the Cuban state, the growing Protestant presence, and its contribution and failures in the period leading up to the Cuban Revolution. [25: Teresa Fernández Soneira, Con la Estrella y la Cruz: Historia de la Federación de la Juventudes de Acción Católica Cubana (Miami, FL: Ediciones Universal, 2002). ]

There is an abundant literature on religion and politics in Brazil. One of the earlist studies was carried out by Ivan Vallier who did a comparative study of Catholicism in several Latin American countries including Brazil, Colombia and Chile using a Weberian theoretical framework.[footnoteRef:26] A more comprehensive and ground-breaking works was carried out in the early 1970s by Thomas Bruneau on the political role of the Catholic Church in Brazil.[footnoteRef:27] Even more helpful to my dissertation were the works of Scott Mainwaring detailing the historical background to the Brazilian young Catholic workers movement which overlaps with this dissertations focus on the Catholic university movement which drew its inspiration from the workers movement. Mainwaring is one of the foremost experts on the political role of the Brazilian Catholic Church in the 1960s. His study covered the origins of the Brazilian branch of the JOC, Juventude Obrera Católica, in the 1950s and early 60s leading up to and influencing the development of liberation theology.[footnoteRef:28] There are several studies that focus specifically on the Brazilian university and student movrments including Leonard D. Therry who focused on the precise period leading up to the military coup that dispensed with the democratic process and a dissertation by Laura Da Veiga that gave more historical background to the process of reform of the Brazilian University.[footnoteRef:29] [26: Ivan Vallier, Catholicism, Social Control, and Modernization in Latin America (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice, 1970), 131. ] [27: Thomas Bruneau, The Political Transformation of the Brazilian Catholic Church (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1972) and The Church in Brazil: The Politics of Religion (Austin, TX: The University of Texas Press, 1982). ] [28: Scott Mainwaring, The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916–1985 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1986), 118; Mainwaring, Scott. “A JOC e o Surgimento Da Igreja Na Base (1958-1970).” Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 43, no. 169 (March 1983): 29-92. ] [29: Leonard D. Therry, “Dominant Power Components in the Brazilian University Student Movement Prior to April, 1964,” Journal of Inter-American Studies, Vol. 7, No. 1 (Jan 1965); Laura Da Veiga, “Reform Of The Brazilian University: The University And The Question Of Hegemony (1954–1968),” diss. (Palo Alto, California: Stanford University, 1981). ]

Andrew Chesnut has carried out several studies of evangelical Pentecostalism in Brazil using microeconomic theory.[footnoteRef:30] Other studies of religion and politics in Brazil include John Burdick’s comparative study of progressive (liberationist) Catholicism with Pentecostalism and Afro-Brazilian spiritism.[footnoteRef:31] José Casanova, in his Public Religions in the Modern World, studied what he described as the twentieth-century Catholic Reformation in five predominantly Catholic countries including Brazil. He examed the role of separation of church and state, religious pluralism and secularization and found that those countries that have become overwhelmingly secular are most often countries where the church had a state sanctioned monopoly. Countries where there was separation of church and state, religious pluralism, or where the Catholicism was an oppressed majority, have continued to be highly religious even with the advent of modernism. Casanova included Brazil in the latter category because of its religious pluralism. He noted that Catholic Action and Christian Democracy began as part of a voluntary Catholic disestablishment and as part of a Catholic response to secularist, laicist and mass parties at the turn of the century.[footnoteRef:32] [30: R. Andrew Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1997) and Chesnut, Competitive Spirits: Latin America’s New Religious Economy (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2003). ] [31: John Burdick, Looking for God in Brazil: The Progressive Catholic Church in Urban Brazil’s Religious Arena (Berkeley, CA: U of California P, 1993). ] [32: José Casanova, Public Religions in the Modern World (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), 62. ]

Other works that deal specifically with the various branches of Catholic Action in Brazil have been written by Ana Maria Bidegain, José Oscar Beozzo and Luís Alberto Gómez de Sousa.[footnoteRef:33] The historical narratives and time lines established in the works by Beozzo and Souza were particularly helpful in interpretation of primary source material for the Catholic university movement in Brazil. Since the mid-1980s, few studies have been conducted on the postwar Catholic university movements; more recent works such as that by Kenneth Serbin have concentrated on other aspects of the priesthood or the relationship with of the hierarchy with the state security apparatus during the military regime.[footnoteRef:34] [33: Bidegain, “La Organización”; Bidegain, “From Catholic Action”; Luiz Alberto Gómez de Souza, A JUC: Os Estudantes Católicos e a Política (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1984); Souza, A JUC; José Oscar Beozzo, Cristãos Na Universidade e Na Política (Petrópolis: Editora Vozes, 1984). ] [34: Kenneth P. Serbin, “Church-State Reciprocity in Contemporary Brazil: The Convening of the International Eucharistic Congress of 1955 in Rio de Janeiro,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 76.4 (Nov 1996); Secret Dialogues: 2000; Needs of the Heart: A Social and Cultural History of Brazil’s Clergy and Seminaries (Notre Dame: U of Notre Dame P, 2006). ]

Two books have a direct bearing on the theme of revolution and repression. Carlos Alberto Libanio Christo, better known as “Frei Betto” was a Catholic student leader in Rio de Janeiro during the military takeover in Brazil of April 1964, and was later imprisoned and tortured. His best known book consists of a series of interviews with Fidel Castro on the subject of religion.[footnoteRef:35] He also wrote his memoir of the period of clandestine resistance to the military and his eventual capture and imprisonment.[footnoteRef:36] A similar book, written by a former Marxist converted to Catholicism through the witness of Catholic university students was written by Marcio Moreira Avles, a liberal journalist from Rio. Alves analyzes the military regime in great detail, arguing that the so-called "economic miracle" has benefited North American capitalists more than the Brazilian people. He gave evidence that the torture of prisoners continued in spite of international protest.[footnoteRef:37] [35: Frei Betto, Fidel Y La Religion: Conversaciones Con Frei Betto Sobre El Marxismo Y La Teologia De La Liberacion (Bogotá, Colombia:: Editorial La Oveja Negra, 1986). ] [36: Frie Betto, Batismo de Sangue a Luta Clandestina Contra a Ditadura Militar, Dossies Carlos Marighella e Frei Tito (Rio de Janeiro, RJ: Civilização Brasileira, 1982, 1982). ] [37: Marcio Moreora Alves, A Grain of Mustard Seed: The Awakening of the Brazilian Revolution (New York City: Anchor Books., 1973). ]

The primary focus in this dissertation involves the relationship among Catholic university movements, the Catholic clerical hierarchies and the interplay of national politics and transnational ideological and geo-political influences. A secondary emphasis focuses on the influence of the Catholic university student movements on changes within Catholicism prior to the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) and the subsequent rise of liberation theology in Latin America.[footnoteRef:38] A third emphasis is the significant social role of university students in the rapidly modernizing Latin American societies in the 1950s. Therefore, it is important to explore the contribution of Catholic university student movements to the subsequent development of trends within Catholicism in Latin America. In many countries the difficulties of the nation-building process have led to a formulation of a high prestige and elite student status that is seen as socially and politically central to the national project. Consequently, in many developing countries students are among the most politically active social groups and bear a relatively high degree of social influence within their societies.[footnoteRef:39] [38: Bidegain, “Catholic Action to Liberation Theology,” 18. ] [39: John W. Meyer and Richard Rubinson, “Structural Determinants of Student Political Activity: A Comparative Interpretation,” Sociology of Education 45.1 (Winter 1972): 25. ]

The present study analyzes the expansion and political influence of the Catholic student movements in Cuba and Brazil from 1946 to the mid-1960s through textual analysis of the changing religious and social discourse. The study will utilize concepts from the work of Max Weber, Antonio Gramsci, José Ortega y Gasset and Karl Mannheim on generational change and ideology and more recent work by Daniel Levine on religion and politics, as well as works on Catholic Action by Ana Maria Bidegain, José Oscar Beozzo and Luís Alberto Gómez de Sousa. Aurora G. Morcillo’s study of Catholicism under Franco in Spain adds depth to the analysis with regard to the role of gender ideology among Catholic students. In regard to student activism, K. H. Silvert, Seymour Martin Lipset, E. Wight Bakke, John W. Myer and Richard Rubinson, Philip G. Altbach and Louise Bienvenue provide valuable theoretical approaches to the political activism of university students.[footnoteRef:40] [40: Lipset, Students and Politics. 1967; Philip G. Altbach, Student Political Activism: An International Reference Handbook (New York: Greenwood Press, 1989) and Student Politics in America: A Historical Analysis; Philip G. Altbach, Student Politics in America: A Historical Analysis (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1989). See also K. H. Silvert, “The University Student.” Continuity and Change in Latin America, ed. John J. Johnson (Stanford, Calif.: Stand; Stanford University Press, 1964), 206–27; Louise Bienvenue, Quand la Jeunesse Entre en Scene: L’Action Catholique Avant la Revolution Tranquille (Montreal: Les Editions du Boreal, 2003). ]