After reviewing this week’s material,?answer the following questions.? Make sure your answers show direct reflection on the a
After reviewing this week's material, answer the following questions. Make sure your answers show direct reflection on the assigned materials. Your responses should be 4-5 sentences long.
1. Now that you are learning more about apartheid in South Africa, what similarities and differences do you see between apartheid and Jim Crow segregation laws in the U.S.?
2. Why do you think it was so important to teach young white South Africans about the apartheid system? How were young South Africans taught to follow, enforce, and uphold apartheid?
Apartheid – September 30, 1985 – Video – Films On Demand (indstate.edu)
5
The Heyday of Apartheid
The National Party retained control of government from 1948 until 1994, and the history of South Africa in the second half of the twentieth century was dominated by apartheid and the resistance it evoked. But apartheid was not static or monolithic. Each decade, broadly speaking, was marked by differences in both the content and the implementation of the policy, as well as in ways of resistance. In this chapter we shall examine these changes in the heyday of apartheid between the 1950s and the 1976 Soweto revolt.
The 1950s: constructing apartheid
During the first decade of National Party government, a barrage of legisla- tion codified and extended racial discrimination. As we have seen, much of this had precedents in segregationist laws and practices earlier in the century, but from the late 1940s the partial breakdown of segregation that had taken place during the years of the Second World War was reversed, and legislative discrimination was taken much further than before.
The cornerstone of apartheid was the division of all South Africans by race. Malan thus moved early to ensure the compartmentalization of the population. The prohibition of ‘mixed marriages’ (1949) and the Immorality Act (1950) extended the existing ban on sex between whites and Africans outside marriage to prohibit all sexual contact between whites and other South Africans, including Indians and coloreds. Racial division in the future was the goal. And the Population Registration Act of the same year
The Making of Modern South Africa: Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, Fifth Edition. Nigel Worden. © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2012 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. Created from insu-ebooks on 2022-02-25 16:01:25.
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THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID 105
enforced the classification of people into four racial categories: white, colored, ‘Asiatic’ (Indian) and ‘Native’ (later ‘Bantu’ or African).
In subsequent years this rigid schema was extended to virtually every sphere of human activity. Residential segregation had existed in some parts of the country since the earlier part of the century, but the Group Areas Act (1950) extended the principle of separate racial residential areas on a comprehensive and compulsory basis (Mabin 1992). Its application was particularly felt in the cities, where forced removals were often justified by policies of slum clearance and coincided with modernist theories of town planning that involved massive urban restructuring (Parnell and Mabin 1995). With such justifications, Indian residents were moved out of the centre of Pretoria and Durban. Many colored inhabitants of Cape Town suburbs were relocated in segregated areas on the fringes of the city: plans for the demolition of the central District Six area had in fact been formu- lated before the Second World War (Bickford-Smith et al. 1999: 152–4). In 1954 the Natives Resettlement Act gave the state the power to override local municipalities and forcibly remove Africans to separate townships. Some of the first casualties were the African freehold areas of western Johannesburg such as Sophiatown, whose inhabitants were relocated to the new township at Soweto in 1955.
The Reservation of Separate Amenities Act (1953) enforced social seg- regation in all public amenities, such as transport, cinemas, restaurants and sports facilities. And educational apartheid was enforced in schools (1953), technical colleges (1955) and universities (1959). African schooling was still neither free nor compulsory, as it was for whites. Certainly, educational provision for Africans before this period had been unequal and most gov- ernment schools separated white and African pupils. However, the Bantu Education Act (1953) brought all African schools under the control of the Department of Native Affairs, thus phasing out the independent mission- ary institutions which had previously led the field in African education and were viewed as breeding grounds for African independent thinking and protest. The Act imposed a uniform curriculum which stressed separate ‘Bantu culture’ and deliberately prepared students for little more than manual labor. Verwoerd, then Minister of Native Affairs, commented that many previous educators of Africans ‘misled them by showing them the green pastures of European society in which they are not allowed to graze’ (Christie and Collins 1984: 173).
White political monopoly of power was further tightened in the early 1950s. The advisory Natives Representative Council, set up in 1936, was
Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. Created from insu-ebooks on 2022-02-25 16:01:25.
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abolished. The Bantu Authorities Act (1951) replaced it with government- approved chiefs in the reserves, but made no provision for the representa- tion of Africans in the towns and ‘white’ rural areas. The system of white parliamentary representation for Indians, established in 1946, was also ended. The only remaining ‘non-white’ representation in Parliament was that of coloreds in the Cape. The National Party’s electoral majority in 1948 was slender, and many marginal seats contained a number of colored voters who had largely supported the United Party and who bitterly opposed the discrimination of the Population Registration, Group Areas and Separate Amenities legislation. In 1951 the government attempted to have them removed from the voters’ roll. Such an action was only passed in Parliament with a bare majority and was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. The government overcame this obstacle by rapidly appointing new senators to the upper house of Parliament who ensured the required two- thirds majority. Despite large-scale demonstrations of opposition by both coloreds and the white war veteran Torch Commando, in 1956 coloreds were registered on a separate roll and were restricted to electing four white representatives to Parliament (a system abolished in 1970). Total white monopoly of parliamentary power was thus obtained.
Colored disenfranchisement showed that the National Party was deter- mined to go to great lengths to ensure its electoral survival, although it increased its majority in the 1953 election, colored voters notwithstanding. other legislation increased government control over its non-parliamentary opponents. The Suppression of Communism Act (1950) gave the Minister of Justice the power to ban any person or organization he viewed as ‘com- munist’, a broad definition which included almost all opposition to apart- heid. Powers were developed to confine people to single magisterial districts and to silence their writings and speeches, a forerunner of the security legislation of later years. And the 1953 Criminal Law Amendment Act prescribed heavy penalties for civil disobedience, a response to the organ- ized campaigns of the previous year (see pp. 108–10).
All of these white supremacist actions met with the approval of every sector of the broad Afrikaner nationalist alliance. A more controversial plank of apartheid legislation in the 1950s related to control over black labor. African urbanization and assertive labor organization had been the main feature of the breakdown of segregation in the 1940s, and Malan’s call for restrictions on African workers and firmer influx control attracted much support in 1948. During the first few years of National Party power, a number of measures attempted to put such a policy into effect. Strikes
Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. Created from insu-ebooks on 2022-02-25 16:01:25.
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THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID 107
by Africans were made illegal in 1953, and although black trade unions were not prohibited outright, employers were not obliged to negotiate with them and many of their leaders were banned under the Suppression of Communism Act. Labor bureaux were established in 1951 under the control of the Native Affairs Department to coordinate the needs of employ- ers in particular regions and the recruitment of Africans to work in the towns, ensuring that they did not leave ‘white’ rural areas until the needs of local farmers had been met. Illegal ‘squatting’ in urban areas was pro- hibited in 1951, and in 1952 the orwellian-named Abolition of Passes and Coordination of Documents Act insisted that all Africans (including previ- ously exempted women) carry a reference book to include an employer’s signature renewed each month, authorization to be in a particular area and tax certificates. Under Section 10 of the 1955 Natives (Urban Areas) Amendment Act, rights of Africans to live in a town were confined to those who had been born there or had worked there for fifteen years or for ten years with a single employer. All others needed a permit to stay for longer than three days.
As Posel (1991) has argued, the 1955 Act demonstrated the triumph of a more pragmatic ‘practical’ approach to segregation over the ‘total’ segre- gation of men like Eiselen, who argued that all African economic activity and labor should be concentrated in the reserves (see p. 102). The needs of agricultural and urban employers for a steady supply of African labor determined government policy. Thus Africans should be permitted to move to towns if they were genuinely seeking work, and Section 10 recognized that ‘detribalized’ Africans had rights to urban residence whether or not they were employed there, thus providing a ‘labor pool’ for urban employ- ers. An example of this was Zwelitsha, near King William’s Town, which had been established in the 1940s. Inhabitants of the surrounding Ciskei reserve were initially encouraged to abandon farming and to form urban nuclear families with prescribed gender roles of male entrepreneurship and female home-making, following middle-class white norms. By the mid- 1950s such ideas were abandoned and Zwelitsha became simply a labor pool of proletarianized workers for local industry (Mager 1999: 47–67). Although pass laws were imposed, the labor bureaux were only partially successful in directing labor to where it was demanded. Employers circum- vented many of these controls when it suited them to do so.
The needs of business explain why the segregation of the 1950s remained ‘practical’, and influx control was not strictly applied. Similarly, while the government still had a rather uncertain electoral majority and no central
Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. Created from insu-ebooks on 2022-02-25 16:01:25.
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control over local municipalities, it was reluctant to attempt full-scale urban removals and the implementation of ‘total’ segregation. All this was to change in the subsequent decade.
In the 1958 election the National Party obtained almost twice as many seats as its opponents. Part of this increasing parliamentary strength resulted from ploys such as the removal of the colored franchise, the incor- poration of the white (predominantly Nationalist) electorate of South- West Africa and the redrawing of constituency boundaries to favour rural areas over United Party urban strongholds. But clearly apartheid genuinely appealed to an increasing majority of the white electorate. Why was this? Many Afrikaners approved the power exerted by a party in their name and the moves to break with Britain, as marked by the abolition of rights of appeal to the Privy Council (1950) and assumption of control over the British naval base at Simonstown (1955). But it was clear by 1958 that the Nationalists was also attracting English-speaking voters away from the United Party. The latter saw its sixty-five seats held in 1948 whittled down to fifty-three, most of them going to the National Party.
Most whites supported the apparent limits to African urbanization imposed by the government and the suppression of resistance. But most significantly apartheid policies had not interrupted economic growth, and white living standards increased steadily. Farmers benefited from increased produce prices and workers from racial job reservation. Although many English-speaking manufacturers and industrialists were alienated from Afrikaner nationalist politics, they were able to maintain and expand pro- duction and enjoyed tariff protection. Gold production expanded mark- edly, with the exploitation of new fields in the Free State. Foreign investment, encouraged by cheap labor, furthered white prosperity, and there was little external criticism of apartheid policies. only at the end of the decade did this change, with international condemnation and the flight of capital after the Sharpeville shootings. By then the National Party, now led by Hendrik Verwoerd, had acquired sufficient confidence and power to ride the storm.
The 1950s: Defiance and the Freedom Charter
The 1950s saw an unprecedented upsurge of popular protest. In some ways this was a logical development from the trends seen in the 1940s, notably the doubling of the African urban population, employment in secondary industry and trade union organization. But it was given a new impetus by the imposition of apartheid laws and the social engineering of the
Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. Created from insu-ebooks on 2022-02-25 16:01:25.
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THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID 109
Nationalist government. The intransigence of influx control (and especially the extension of passes to women), forced removals and the imposition of Bantu Education all led to resistance in the towns, drawing in both popular and middle classes. Despite the assault on union power, labor leaders organized protests around issues of low wages and price increases. Nor was resistance confined to the cities. Government intervention in reserve agri- culture and the unpopularity of measures carried out by chiefs appointed under the Bantu Authorities Act led to a number of rural protest move- ments. And the international context of decolonization elsewhere in Africa gave black political leaders hope that the construction of apartheid was a temporary aberration soon to be swept away in the wake of popular support for African nationalism.
Many of the tactics employed in this resistance, such as boycotts, staya- ways, strikes and civil disobedience, were those advocated in the African National Congress’s (ANC’s) Programme of Action of 1949 (see p. 95). In 1952 the ANC and the Communist Party jointly launched the Defiance Campaign to protest against the government’s new discriminatory legisla- tion, with the aim of mobilizing widespread defiance of unjust laws such as curfews, pass laws and segregation of amenities. over 8,000 people were arrested for defiance actions, mainly in the eastern Cape and on the Rand, and during the period of 1951–3 ANC membership grew dramatically from 7,000 to 100,000 (Lodge 1987: 310). Albert Lutuli, elected ANC President in late 1952, supported the principle of mass action in a clear break from the more conservative techniques of his predecessors. The Defiance Campaign was broken by the banning and imprisonment of many of its organizers, by legislation forbidding civil disobedience (the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1953), and by outbreaks of violence in Port Elizabeth and East London led by disaffected youth and women. But the impetus for mass campaigns was clearly established. The relocation of Sophiatown, which began in 1953, was resisted by local residents. Property owners refused to sign away their rights and, together with other tenants who would not move voluntarily, had to be forcibly relocated by the police. In 1954 the ANC called for a boycott of the new Bantu Education schools, an action that achieved considerable success initially on the Rand and in the eastern Cape. However, ANC promises of alternative informal education were only partially fulfilled, and when the government threatened to black- list teachers who supported the boycott and permanently to deny education to any children not enrolled by April of the academic year, opposition to Bantu Education collapsed.
Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. Created from insu-ebooks on 2022-02-25 16:01:25.
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More sustained campaigns were carried out from 1952 by women against the carrying of passes. The Federation of South African Women, founded in 1954, linked to the ANC but drawing on other liberal support- ers, coordinated campaigns of non-registration, pass burning and petition- ing, culminating in 1956 in a mass demonstration of 26,000 women from throughout the country at the Union Buildings in Pretoria. This opposition certainly slowed down state action in extending passes to African women, but it failed to prevent it. The government began issuing passes to women in remoter rural areas, and then to the most vulnerable urban workers, such as domestic workers and nurses, the latter being threatened with dismissal if they refused to comply.
By 1959, the anti-pass campaign was over. Women’s protest turned instead to focus on police raids against shebeens (sites of illegal drinking but also township sociability), which threatened the dependence of many township women on informal beer-brewing (Mager 2010). In 1959 women in the shanty settlement of Cato Manor near Durban and in other parts of Natal picketed municipal beer halls, and in some cases attacked them and destroyed brewing equipment. Police broke up the protestors, but a boycott of beer halls followed, coordinated by the local branch of the ANC’s Women’s League. Protest by women was an important part of popular mobilization in the 1950s, but this was not so much a feminist attempt to overthrow the existing social order as opposition to state interference in the established rights and status of women. Indeed, Lodge has described some of the goals of the campaigns as ‘highly conservative . . . though no less justifiable for that’ (1983: 151). Edwards (1996) has argued that the Cato Manor attacks were in part motivated by women who were facing removal to the impoverished reserves, and who targeted local men in the beer halls who had obtained housing in the new KwaMashu township and were thus breaking local community cohesion.
other community-based actions emerged in the late 1950s. In 1957 buses were boycotted in the Rand township of Alexandra in campaigns against increased fares that invoked memories of the campaigns of 1944 (see p. 71). In the wake of this, union leaders in the newly formed South African Council of Trade Unions convinced the ANC of the need for a wider campaign around economic issues. The £1-a-day campaign of 1957– 8 called for a minimum wage and better working conditions, but its tactics of stayaway, combined in 1958 with protest against the white election of that year, met with only limited success. Police were readily able to identify those who remained at home, and dismissals for absenteeism from work
Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. Created from insu-ebooks on 2022-02-25 16:01:25.
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THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID 111
took place. Moreover, as Feit has pointed out, the campaign was untimely. Wage levels were not noticeably lower than usual, and a number of urban workers were earning more than £1 a day (1967: 17). And the white election was of less immediate concern than day-to-day issues in the townships. Campaigns of this kind were difficult to sustain. Specific and limited targets were better supported.
Perhaps the most successful mass campaigns of the decade took place not in the towns but in the countryside. Impoverishment was increasing in the reserves, accentuated by the impact of migrant labor and overcrowd- ing. In the Transkei and Ciskei, young men were unable to obtain cattle and so establish homesteads, and instead asserted their masculinity through age cohort organizations and competitive fighting (Mager 1998). Rural conflicts around issues of impoverishment and state intervention were not new, but they rose to new heights in the late 1940s and the 1950s (Chaskalson 1988). Attempts by the government to improve reserve agriculture, by ‘bet- terment’ schemes of cattle culling and limitations on grazing were particu- larly threatening to men who controlled livestock and were fiercely resisted at a time when the sole means of survival for many homesteads was access to such land and stock (Mager 1999). Moreover, the Bantu Authorities Act made local chiefs responsible for these measures, as well as for tax collec- tion. By implementing state policies many of them forfeited local recogni- tion of their powers, and their appointment by the government further undermined their authority in such situations.
Attacks on local chiefs took place in the northern Transvaal (Soutpansberg and Sekhukhuneland) in the 1940s and again in 1958. In Witzieshoek, in the northern Free State, cattle were seized by reserve inhabitants before they could be culled, fences were torn down and clashes with the police took place. In Zeerust in the western Transvaal in 1957 chiefs appointed by the Bantu Affairs Department were deposed, and similar actions took place in both Natal and the Transkei. In Sekhukhuneland returning migrants joined local residents to form the Sebatakgomo organization, at least partially linked to the Communist Party and the ANC. They attacked chiefs who accepted the authority of the Bantu Affairs Department and their sympa- thizers (Delius 1996). In Pondoland in 1960 a major revolt took place against government chiefs and agents. Many of these uprisings used tradi- tional symbols and appeals. But they were by no means all ‘backward- looking’ peasant revolts. Links were made with urban protests especially in regions where migrants brought news of other campaigns, such as those against Bantu Education or passes for women. But in general, although they
Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. Created from insu-ebooks on 2022-02-25 16:01:25.
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did succeed in stalling state interventions, rural protest movements remained parochial in impact (Lodge 1983).
Indeed, all the popular struggles of the 1950s failed to realize their potential fully in challenging the state. one of the reasons for this, much debated by historians, was the nature of the relationship between mass mobilization and the leadership of the national organizations, in particular the ANC. Was the ANC now converted from the elitist and essentially conservative body of the 1930s to a new and mass-based movement with more radical goals and heightened impact? Some writers have argued that this was indeed the case, either in coordination with the labor movement as the political base for a new class consciousness heralded by the 1946 mine workers’ strike (o’Meara 1976), or in the broader sense that the ANC acted as the vanguard party planning and sustaining all popular move- ments of the decade (Pampallis 1991: 191–211).
But other historians have pointed out the limitations of these argu- ments. Links with trade union branches were made, but the middle- class leaders of the ANC were still uneasy in a proletarian alliance and local campaigns often went beyond the calls of ANC leadership, or else were not supported at all by the organization (Lambert 1981; Fine and Davis 1991). Broader populist causes rather than class-conscious action domi- nated ANC activities. Feit (1971) goes further, arguing that ANC leader- ship was detached from any popular base, that communication and coordination of actions were at best patchy, and that many campaigns failed as a result.
For instance, in Sophiatown the ANC appeared more concerned with the rights of property owners than with the plight of the larger number of tenants or the wider issue of forced removals, and it was divided over how far to resist legal eviction orders. Leaders were also split over how far to take the school boycott and were often unaware of the extent of local com- munity support. During the Alexandra bus boycott, Congress’s acceptance of the compromise by which employers could obtain transport rebates to pass on to their employees rather than lowering fares for all was rejected by many in the community as a sell-out. And only gradually did the urban leaders of the ANC come to recognize the importance of the rural areas. Although there was some linkage with the Sekhukhuneland revolt of 1958, it was not until the uprisings in Pondoland in 1960 that they accepted the full potential of rural mobilization (Bundy 1987a). In general, the 1950s seems to have been a decade of heightened defiance, but also of lost opportunities.
Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. Created from insu-ebooks on 2022-02-25 16:01:25.
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THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID 113
Some of these debates show as much about the political sympathies and priorities of the writers in later years as they do about the nature of political mobilization in the 1950s. Clearly, the ANC failed to mobilize and coordi- nate widespread unified protest, as much because of its limited financial and administrative resources and heightened state repression as because of the conscious alienation of its leaders from popular or working-class inter- ests. Lodge, however, has pointed out that the situation was more complex (1987). ANC leaders were not merely ‘middle-class’ professionals alienated from popular issues. With the segregationist thrust of the 1950s, African experiences were widely felt across class lines, and issues such as Bantu Education or passes for women affected everyone.
Case studies have shown that particular local circumstances need to be considered when assessing the effectiveness of campaigns and of national leadership. Thus in East London, active support was obtained for the Defiance Campaign by the dynamic local youth League, which also drew in migrants from the surrounding Ciskei reserve, but the lack of a large urban proletariat led to emphasis on communal rather than class issues in later years (Lodge 1987). By contrast, unionized textile workers in Benoni organized a number of strikes and stoppages; but organizers had difficulty in linking these up with the interests of the unemployed, who were more concerned with general survival than specific issues, and mobilized around gangs split on ethnic lines rather than labor or national organizations (Bonner and Lambert 1987). In Brakpan, stronger cross-class unity took place around issues of Bantu Education, curfews and pass laws, but these tended to be focused around locally elected councilors rather than national leaders, who failed to realize the extent of local feeling (Sapire 1989a).
The opposition movements not only faced difficulties of tactics and popular mobilization. They were also increasingly divided in terms of ide- ology. Some of these divisions were rooted in the differing organizations of the 1940s. For instance, the Non-European Unity Movement stressed the importance of tactics of boycott and non-collaboration, which had an impact on some of the defiance campaigns, particularly in the rejection of Bantu Education schools.
But its theoretical focus on the interests of the working class and its refusal to recognize race as a valid category of political organization alien- ated it from the …
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Psychoanalytic Inquiry, 34:690–701, 2014 Copyright © Melvin Bornstein, Joseph Lichtenberg, Donald Silver ISSN: 0735-1690 print/1940-9133 online DOI: 10.1080/07351690.2014.944836
“You’ve Got to Be Carefully Taught”: How Apartheid Was Lived and Learned on a South African Farm
Tessa Philips, Ph.D.
After apartheid ended, many White South Africans asked themselves, over and over, “Who was I during apartheid?” and “How did I learn to live in that way?” This article is an attempt to address those questions. In the first part, a personal example is used to illustrate a life lived during the heyday of apartheid. There was a great silence between the races about race. In the second part, I discuss that life and the nature of embeddedness from a relational, hermeneutic perspective with a self psycho- logical flavor. My doctoral dissertation, titled Race, Place and Self (Philips, 2007), was an attempt to examine the nature and influences over the years of different countries and contexts, and disentangle myself from the particular racialized beginnings that were uniquely mine. This article is one part of that journey.
I was born in South Africa just before the government decreed t
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