Have specifically examined eyewitness testimony in this
Using the GCU library, search for two peer-reviewed journal articles on eyewitness testimony using the search term “memory and eyewitness testimony.” Read the articles, then in 750-1,000 words, do the following:
Briefly summarize the findings from each article.
Based upon the information read, discuss if eyewitness testimony is reliable or unreliable.
Connect your research to a memory theory discussed in Chapter 7 of your textbook. See below…
FILTER THEORY In 1958, the psychologist Donald Broadbent developed filter theory to explain how we selectively attend to the most important information. In this model, attention is like a filter.
When writing in APA style, it is important that your analysis is written in third person. Writing in third person, using support from the article to support your position, helps with clarity and conciseness throughout your paper.
Prepare this assignment according to the guidelines found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center. An abstract is not required.
This assignment uses a rubric. Please review the rubric prior to beginning the assignment to become familiar with the expectations for successful completion.
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Introduction to this Issue: Children’s Eyewitness
Memory and Testimony in Context
Rakel P. Larson, Ph.D.*, Deborah Goldfarb, JD and
Gail S. Goodman, Ph.D.
Increasingly, children are being called upon to participate in a variety of forensic and
courtroom contexts that affect their welfare (Cashmore, 2014; Head, 2011; U.N. General
Assembly, 1989). Alongside this movement, research on child witnesses and victims has
burgeoned. For this special issue of Behavioral Sciences and the Law, we invited researchers
to share their expertise and contribute current studies about the role of contextual factors
on children’s eyewitness memory and testimony, and related matters. Topics cover a wide
variety of issues pertaining to child witnesses and victims, including the reliability of children’s
testimony, forensic interview techniques, participation in court proceedings, prospective
juror-decision making, delays in prosecution, and religion-related abuse.
To begin this special issue, the first five papers address topics related to children’s
involvement in forensic interviews. Given the rising dependence on children’s reports
in a variety of forensic and legal contexts, the need for evidence-based methods to elicit
sensitive and reliable information from children is clear. Building rapport with children
is one procedure that is recommended by virtually all forensic interview protocols and
best-practice guidelines, including the National Institute of Child Health and Human
Development (NICHD) Protocol (Lamb, La Rooy, Malloy, & Katz, 2011), the
StepWise Interview (Yuille, Hunter, Joffe, & Zaparniuk, 1993), the Memorandum of
Good Practice (Davies & Westcott, 1999), the child-adapted version of the Cognitive
Interview (Fisher & Geiselman, 1992; Saywitz, Geiselman, & Bornstein, 1992), and
the Narrative Elaboration Technique (NET; Saywitz & Camparo, 2013), as part of a
successful interview strategy to reduce children’s anxiety and increase the quality,
quantity, and accuracy of their reports. In our first paper, Saywitz, Larson, Hobbs,
and Wells (pp. 372–389) report on a systematic review of the research literature to
evaluate whether there is a core body of experimental studies with randomized
controlled trials that test the effects of rapport on the reliability of children’s reports.
The paper provides insights into and identifies gaps in the current knowledge base
regarding the effects of rapport-building on children’s memory accuracy and offers
strategies for redefining future research agendas.
Children may be exposed to postevent misinformation before an interview
commences and this inaccurate information may become incorporated into their later
memory reports (see, e.g., Ceci, Loftus, Leichtman & Bruck, 1994). Schaaf,
*Correspondence to: Rakel P. Larson, Department of Psychology, University of California, 1 Shields Avenue,
Davis, California, 95616 USA.
Copyright # 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Behavioral Sciences and the Law
Behav. Sci. Law 33: 367–371 (2015)
Published online in Wiley Online Library
(wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/bsl.2196
Bederian-Gardner, and Goodman (pp. 390–406) examine whether explicitly instructing
children to ignore misleading postevent information can help bolster their memory
accuracy. Four- and 6-year-old children engaged in an interactive play event with a researcher
and were then interviewed about the play event after a 2-week delay. As part of
the experimental manipulation, children were exposed to no postevent misinformation between
the two sessions, exposed to misinformation, or exposed to misinformation and
given a logic-of-opposition instruction (i.e., an explicit instruction to ignore information
that they were exposed to after the original play event) before the start of the memory interview.
The results suggest that the accuracy of even very young children’smemory reports can
be improved by providing children with an explicit instruction to ignore misleading
postevent information. The study also provides insights into the sources of malleability in
children’s memory reports and, specifically, the underlying causes of the postevent misinformation
effect.
During the course of a forensic interview, investigators may ask children to disclose
sensitive, embarrassing, or potentially uncomfortable information. Thus, these kinds of
interviews require a level of openness and honesty from children that is not typical in
their everyday interactions with adults. Such requirements may make some witnesses
reluctant to participate in the criminal justice process. For instance, children may
choose not to disclose maltreatment to a forensic interviewer for a variety of reasons
(e.g., fear of retaliation, confusion about what occurred). Indeed, delayed disclosures
are common among child sexual abuse victims (Goodman et al., 2003). Omission of
abuse details during forensic interviews may lead to later memory impairment given
the lack of opportunity for rehearsal. Altering an abuse narrative by self-generating false
details about the event may also influence later recall. Newton and Hobbs (pp. 407–428)
addressed these topics in the third paper in this special issue by using a simulated memory
impairment paradigm with adults to evaluate how rehearsal and altering narrative
details about a child sexual abuse scenario can affect later memory recall. Participants
read a first-person narrative about child sexual abuse, role-played as the child victim,
and were then asked to recall the abuse scenario by either omitting details, confabulating
details, or not changing any details, or they were not asked to recall the story at all.
Approximately 1 week later, participants’ memories for the story were tested. The results
have implications for research regarding the effects of delayed disclosure and false
confabulations on memory impairment.
Children are commonly questioned by forensic investigators and attorneys about
abuse-related conversations, such as what the alleged perpetrator instructed the victim
to do (Lyon & Stolzenberg, 2014; Stolzenberg & Lyon, 2014). In our fourth paper,
Lawson and London (pp. 429–445) assess 8-year-old children’s ability to provide
conversational testimony about a novel event after either a 1-week or 3-week delay.
This paper fills an important gap in extant literature by being one of the first studies
to evaluate children’s memory for dyadic conversations and, specifically, their ability
to recall utterances generated by adults.
Ground rules – that is, instructions provided to children before substantive
questioning – are commonly adopted in forensic interview protocols and best-practice
guidelines (Lamb et al., 2011; Saywitz & Camparo, 2013). These rules are intended
to help children navigate the unique expectations that are present in the forensic interview
context compared with those in children’s typical interactions with adults. For
instance, in a typical adult–child interaction, children are not expected to correct an
adult if the adult makes a mistake, yet this expectation is present in the forensic
368 R. P. Larson et al.
Copyright # 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 33: 367–371 (2015)
DOI: 10.1002/bsl
interview context. In our fifth paper, Danby, Brubacher, Sharman, and Powell
(pp. 446–458) investigate whether providing 5- to 9-year-old children with practice
using three ground rules (i.e., “don’t know,” “don’t understand,” and “correct me”
instructions) led to more spontaneous use of the rules during free recall and
application of the rules at the end of the interview in response to challenge questions.
The results of this study contribute to our understanding of developmental differences
in the ability to apply different kinds of ground rules and the extent to
which practice improves children’s use of rules throughout the course of forensic
interviews.
Our next set of papers follows the logical course of an investigation after forensic
interviewing, namely children’s participation in court proceedings. Research suggests
that facing the accused and being cross-examined are two of the most anxiety-provoking
experiences for children (Goodman et al., 1992; Hobbs et al., 2014; Sas, Austin,
Wolfe, & Hurley, 1991). These specific and other general fears about participating in
the criminal justice process may influence children’s ability to provide sensitive, complete,
and accurate information (Block et al., 2010; Nathanson & Saywitz, 2003) and
may affect their long-term psychological and emotional welfare (Goodman et al.,
1992; Quas et al., 2005). As a response to these concerns, pretrial court preparation
programs have begun to be developed across the world (e.g., Kid’s Court School in
the United States). In our sixth paper, Nathanson and Saywitz (pp. 459–475) evaluate
the effectiveness of one such pretrial preparation program, which includes legal knowledge
education, stress inoculation training, and a mock trial that offers opportunities
for practice using stress reduction strategies and answering questions, on reducing anticipatory
court-related anxiety of 4- to 17-year-olds. This study provides preliminary
evidence that children’s participation in Nathanson and Saywitz’s preparation program
before testifying in court is associated with anxiety reduction.
As previously mentioned, ground rule instructions and the use of rapport are
recommended procedures in most forensic interview protocols and best-practice
guidelines. The extent to which attorneys actually incorporate these recommendations
into practice during direct questioning with children is addressed in the seventh paper.
Ahern, Stolzenberg, and Lyon (pp. 476–492) reviewed transcripts of felony child sexual
abuse cases in Los Angeles county to evaluate the quality and frequency with which
prosecutors deliver key ground rule instructions, build rapport, and rely on open-ended
prompts before the topic of abuse is introduced. The results of the study are important
in illuminating discrepancies between best-practice guidelines and actual implementation
of recommendations in real-world contexts.
The next two papers examine whether innovative techniques and changes in the
courtroom context can bolster witness credibility and potentially influence juror
decision-making. In the study described by Golding, Wasarhaley, Lynch, Lippert,
and Magyarics (pp. 493–507), participants read a trial summary in which a 6- or
15-year-old child accused her stepfather of rape. The trial summary included testimony
from a Sexual Assault Nurse Examiner (SANE), a registered nurse who was not a
SANE, or no nurse. Mock jurors’ ratings (e.g., sympathy toward the victim, defendant
guilt) were then obtained. McAuliff, Lapin, and Michel (pp. 508–527) assessed whether
the use of support persons (i.e., adults who accompany children testifying or attending
legal proceedings to provide emotional comfort) influence judgments about the credibility
of child witnesses and verdicts. In this study, adults viewed simulated testimony
from an 11-year-old female victim of sexual assault either with a support person sitting
Children’s eyewitness memory 369
Copyright # 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 33: 367–371 (2015)
DOI: 10.1002/bsl
next to her or without. Participants then made judgments regarding the child’s accuracy
and trustworthiness as well as the defendant’s guilt. The results of both of these
studies suggest that factors associated with the courtroom context, such as the presence
or absence of a SANE or support person, may influence jurors’ verdicts and evaluations
of child witness credibility.
Delays in prosecution may result in the decay or distortion of memories.
Additionally, the lack of resolution and continued anticipatory anxiety about testifying
may take a toll on the emotional and psychological well-being of child witnesses
(Plotnikoff & Woolfson, 1995). The next two papers in this special issue address delays
in prosecution. Walsh, Lippert, Goldberg Edelson, and Jones (pp. 528–545) used a
mixed methods approach (i.e., retrospective case file analysis on charges filed between
January 1, 2007 and December, 31, 2008 that were decided by December 31, 2012;
and in-depth interviews) to assess the court culture of three Oregon counties, the length
of time with which it took to resolve felony child sexual abuse cases compared with
other felony cases, and the effect of “churning” (i.e., rescheduling of court cases) on
case resolution time. Connolly, Chong, Coburn, and Lutgens (pp. 546–560) conducted
an archival analysis of child sexual abuse complaints that were heard in criminal courts
in Canada between 1986 and 2012. The researchers compared delayed and timely
complaints and evaluated whether systemic factors (e.g., legal barriers) or intrinsic
factors (e.g., nature of the offense) were associated with delayed prosecutions. Both
of these studies provide important insights into the factors that increase the probability
of delayed prosecution.
To conclude this special issue, the final two papers address contextual factors
concerning child maltreatment through discussion of religion-related abuse cases.
Bottoms, Goodman, Toulou-Shams, Diviak, and Shaver (pp. 561–579) identified 249
cases of religion-related abuse from 86 district attorney offices, social service departments,
and law enforcement agencies. The researchers evaluated characteristics of
the abuse cases (e.g., types of maltreatment, settings in which the abuse or neglect took
place), the characteristics of victims and perpetrators in these cases (e.g., perpetrator
and victim gender, victim age, relationship to the perpetrator, religious affiliation of
the victims and perpetrators), the credibility of the allegations, and case outcomes.
Calkins, Fargo, Jeglic, and Terry (pp. 580–594) investigated the case files of 1,121 North
American Catholic clergy accused of child maltreatment. Guided by a social–ecological
model of violence, researchers evaluated individual-level (e.g., dating history), relationship-
level (e.g., quality of interaction with youth), and community-level (e.g., sought
opportunities to work with youth) risk factors associated with a higher probability of
abuse among clergy. Both the Bottoms et al. and Calkins et al. studies contribute to
our knowledge base of the contexts and circumstances in which religion-related abuse
occurs and provide potential avenues for intervention.
In summary, this special issue offers important insights into the various contexts
in which child maltreatment occurs, is disclosed, and is evaluated and processed
by the legal system. Specifically, the reader will be guided through issues concerning
children’s eyewitness memory and testimony as it related to contexts in which
abuse occurs, to disclosure and early stages of a forensic interview, all the way to
child witnesses’ participation in court proceedings. Taken together, the research
presented here will hopefully further your understanding of the many complex issues
that pertain to child witnesses and victims and inform future research, practice, and
policy.
370 R. P. Larson et al.
Copyright # 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 33: 367–371 (2015)
DOI: 10.1002/bsl
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Children’s eyewitness memory 371
Copyright # 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law 33: 367–371 (2015)
DOI: 10.1002/bsl
Copyright
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Eyewitness Testimony in Autism Spectrum Disorder: A Review
Katie L. Maras • Dermot M. Bowler
Published online: 10 March 2012
Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012
Abstract Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) is estimated
to affect around 1% of the population, and is characterised
by impairments in social interaction, communication, and
behavioural flexibility. A number of risk factors indicate
that individuals with ASD may become victims or witnesses
of crimes. In addition to their social and communication
deficits, people with ASD also have very specific
memory problems, which impacts on their abilities to recall
eyewitnessed events. We begin this review with an overview
of the memory difficulties that are experienced by
individuals with ASD, before discussing the studies that
have specifically examined eyewitness testimony in this
group and the implications for investigative practice.
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