Loss of Family Languages
Loss of Family Languages: Should Educators Be Concerned? Author(s): Lily Wong Fillmore Source: Theory Into Practice, Vol. 39, No. 4, Children and Languages at School (Autumn, 2000), pp. 203-210 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1477339 Accessed: 23-05-2018 19:04 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Theory Into Practice This content downloaded from 139.182.253.11 on Wed, 23 May 2018 19:04:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Lily Wong Fillmore Loss of Family Languages: Should Educators Be Concerned? Y CONSERVATIVE ESTIMATES, 3.5 million chil- into American life.’ As they learned English, they used it more and more until English became their ed in English proficiency (LEP) (Macias, 1998). dominant language. dren in U.S. schools are identified as limit- Their knowledge of English is so limited that with- The outcome in earlier times was nonetheout linguistic help they are excluded “from effective less bilingualism. The second generation could participation in the educational program offered” by the ethnic language and English, althoug speak the schools they attend (Lau v. Nichols, 1974).few Thepeople were equally proficient in both lan Supreme Court’s ruling in Lau v. Nichols heldguages. that The loss of the ethnic language occurr these children must be provided instructional help between the second and the third generations b to overcome the linguistic barrier to the school’s cause second generation immigrants rarely used th instructional programs. The Court did not specify ethnic language enough to impart it to their ow a particular programmatic remedy, but suggested children. Thus, the process of language loss use that bilingual education was one possible approach, to take place over two generations. (Fishman & while instruction in English as a second language Hofman, 1966; Portes & Rumbault, 1990). (ESL) was another. Since then, both bilingual and The picture has changed dramatically in th ESL programs have been established in many states case of present day immigrants. Few current se to help children learn English and gain access ondtogeneration immigrants can be described as b the curriculum. linguals (L6pez, 1982). Ordinarily, we assume th The dilemma facing immigrant children, how-when children acquire a second language, they a ever, may be viewed as less a problem of learningit to their primary language, and the result is bili English than of primary language loss. While virgualism. But in the case of most present-day im tually all children who attend American schoolsmigrant children, the learning of English is learn English, most of them are at risk of losingsubtractive process (Lambert, 1977), with Engli their primary languages as they do so. quickly displacing and replacing the primary lan In one sense, primary language loss as chil- guage in young first generation immigrants. T dren acquire English is not a new problem. Fewresult is that few immigrant children become b immigrant groups have successfully maintainedlinguals today by learning English. Over the pa their ethnic languages as they became assimilated 25 years, this process of accelerated language loss i Lily Wong Fillmore is professor of education at the immigrant children and families has been document University of California at Berkeley ed repeatedly (Fillmore, 1991a, 1991b; Hinton, 1999 THEORY INTO PRACTICE, Volume 39, Number 4, Autumn 2000 Copyright ? 2000 College of Education, The Ohio State University 0040-5841/2000$1.50 This content downloaded from 139.182.253.11 on Wed, 23 May 2018 19:04:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms THEORY INTO PRACTICE/ Autumn 2000 Children and Languages at School Kouritzin, 1999; Portes & Hao, 1998). The follow-but she gave the several non-English speakers in her class extra attention whenever she could. ing is an account of the experiences of one such Chu-mei soon made friends with classmates family. A Case of Language Shift and Loss The Chen2 family is like many Chinese immigrants who have come to the United States over the past several decades. The family came from China’s Canton province via Hong Kong, where they had spent nearly a decade waiting for a visa to immigrate to the United States. The Chens arrived in the United States in 1989: Mother, Father, Uncle (Father’s brother), Grandmother (Father’s mother), and the children, Kai-Fong, age 5 at the time of arrival (now 16); and Chu-Mei, age 4 (now 15). Once settled, the family quickly added two more children-the “ABC” (“American born Chinese”) members of the Chen family, both girls, Chu-wa (now 10); and Allison (now 9 years old). A consideration of how the members of this fami- and learned some English from them and from the teacher. Her adjustment, after the first year in school, was excellent. She had learned enough English in kindergarten to make reading in the first grade more or less possible. She was neat, agreeable, and sociable. She fit into the social world of the classroom without difficulty. Kai-fong had quite a different experience in school. He was not as outgoing as his sister, and from the start, had difficulty establishing himself socially with his classmates. Some of the boys in the class teased him mercilessly. After Grandmother had cut his hair, it stuck straight out and would not lie flat. They called him “Chi, chi, chi, Chiapet,” after a then popular gift item that was adver- tised frequently on television-a pig-shaped vase that grew spikey grass hair when watered. Kai- ly fared in their first decade in America is reveal- fong probably did not know what a “chia-pet” was, ing. Sadly, it is a story that many immigrantbut he knew his classmates were making fun of his families have experienced firsthand. appearance. He wore homemade trousers that Grandmother had made from some polyester stretch yard- age for him and for Chu-mei. The fabric worked well for Chu-mei, but not for Kai-fong. The boys in his class teased him about his “flower pants.” San Francisco Bay area where Father, Mother, and One day at school, there was a rock throwing Uncle had jobs waiting for them in a restaurant Contrasting experiences The Chens settled in a suburban town in the owned by a relative. They went to work in theincident involving Kai-fong and some other boys. It was unclear who started throwing rocks at whom, restaurant’s kitchen, and because the kitchen workbut they were all caught with rocks in their hands. ers were all Chinese, their lack of English was not a handicap. They worked long hours each day, leav-The other children could tell their side of the story ing home early in the morning and returning closeto the teacher on yard duty; Kai-fong could not. When the incident was reported to Father and Mothto midnight. Grandmother stayed at home with the children, and everything was fine at first. She goter, they did not understand what had happened. knew only that Kai-fong had gotten into trouthe children ready for school and was at home They to care for them when they were out of school. ble at school. Kai-fong was severely reprimanded School was difficult for the children initial- by Father, Mother, and Grandmother, and he gradually began to withdraw. ly, but they did not complain much. The elementa- ry school that Kai-fong and Chu-mei attended had In time, Kai-fong learned enough English to get by, and his wardrobe and hair became less dismany minority group students. Some, although not But he remained an outsider. In class, he many, were LEP students like themselves. tinctive. The was an indifferent student and rarely said anything school had no bilingual or ESL classes, so nonEnglish speakers like Kai-fong and Chu-mei were spontaneously. He had a small group of friends simply placed in regular classes where it was as- with whom he played on the playground-other sumed they would learn English. Both began kin- Asian immigrant boys who, like himself, were not dergarten at the same time and were placed in the finding it easy to fit into the social world of the same classroom. The teacher spoke English only, school. Several boys were Vietnamese, one was 204 This content downloaded from 139.182.253.11 on Wed, 23 May 2018 19:04:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Fillmore Loss of Family Languages Filipino, the others were Thai. The English they they do not know how to say much else in Canspoke had many dialect features that were picked tonese to their grandmother or their parents. In fact, up from the African-American children in the the only child in this family who can still commuschool, although they had little interaction with nicate with the adults in Cantonese is Chu-mei, or them. Kai-fong and his friends seemed to admire Sondra, as she prefers to be called. She interprets the African-American boys, and copied their dress, for her family members when they need to commusical taste, and speech. The African-American municate with one another. boys were also outsiders at school, but they were But although Chu-mei/Sondra still speaks the “cool guys,” and they operated within their Cantonese, she is not as fluent as she should be. own social sphere both in and out of school. She is unable to express herself completely in Cantonese, and occasionally slips English words and Increasing separation phrases into her speech as she attempts to commuAt home, Kai-fong became increasingly an nicate with the adults in the family. This could be outsider. Once he learned a little English, he evidence of language loss or an indication that her stopped speaking Cantonese altogether. When primary language has not continued to develop as Grandmother spoke to him, he either ignored her she has grown more mature. Either way, she is not or would mutter a response in English that she did as proficient in Cantonese as Chinese children her not understand. When pushed, he would simply age ordinarily are. stop speaking. Grandmother’s complaints to Mother and Father resulted in frequent scoldings, and in- Deteriorating family relations creasingly severe reprimands and sanctions. The Accelerated language loss is a common ocmore the adults scolded, the more sullen and angry currence these days among immigrant families, with Kai-fong became. By the age of 10, Kai-fong, who was now the younger members losing the ethnic language after a short time in school. In the Chen family, the adult members have not learned much English known as Ken, was spending most of his time away from home, hanging out with his buddies, away from the scolding and haranguing. He and his friends spoke English only, and although some of them may have retained their primary languages, Kai-fong/Ken did not. He no longer understood Cantonese well and rarely said anything in that language. Over time, Grandmother became withdrawn after a decade of residence in the United States. Mother, Father, and Uncle would like to study English, but their long work days do not allow them to take English as a second language classes at the adult education center in town. Father and Uncle have begun to pick up a little English from coworkers and from the Americans they see occasionally, but Mother and Grandmother have not too. She had chronic headaches, which often im- learned much at all, although Grandmother spends mobilized her. Whether the headaches were caused most of her time at home with her English speakby the tension in the home or not, it certainly did ing grandchildren. not help. The headaches made it hard for her to Clearly, the Chen family was deeply affected care for the younger children, and this was often by the ways in which the children adjusted to life left to Chu-mei. Each day, while her sisters were in their new society. The shift from Cantonese to young, she hurried home from school and wouldEnglish in this family and the loss of the family play with them and teach them things she was learnlanguage by the children have had a great impact on communication between the adults and the chiling. From her they learned English, the language she spoke at school and the language she could dren and ultimately on family relations. There is ten- express herself in most easily. Neither Chu-wa nor Allison (named after Chu-mei’s best friend at school) speak Cantonese. They call Grandmother “Ah Yin-Yin” (the address term for paternal grandmother in Cantonese), but sion in this home: The adults do not understand the children, and the children do not understand the adults. Father, Mother, and Grandmother do not feel they know the children, and they do not know what is happening in their lives. 205 This content downloaded from 139.182.253.11 on Wed, 23 May 2018 19:04:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms THEORY INTO PRACTICE / Autumn 2000 Children and Languages at School This is most obvious in the case of Kai-fong/ When parents send their children to school for for- mal education, they understand that their job of Ken, who spends little time at home these days. He dropped out of school over a year ago and issocializing their children is far from done. They out with his friends most of the time. His father continue to teach their children what they need to know as they mature. The school can take what says he does not know what Kai-fong is doing, but he does not think he has a job. the family has provided and augment or modify it even, but the foundation must be laid by the family. What Is Lost When a Language Is Lost? What happens in families where parents can- not communicate easily with the children? What From a strictly pragmatic perspective, what happens when the major means of socializing chil happened to this immigrant family appears unfordren into the beliefs, values, and knowledge base tunate but hardly tragic. From the school’s point of the family and cultural group is lost? If the of view, this could even be seen as a relative sucparents know any English, often they switch to cess story. Of the four children in the Chen family, three are doing well in school. Only one has that language and, while their capacity to socializ gotten lost, but that can happen in any family. But the children might be diminished, they are none is it an acceptable loss? The questions that must theless able to teach their children some of what they need to learn. But it is not easy to socialize be asked are these: What does school success mean, and can we afford to lose one child in four in the children in a language one does not know well. I takes thorough competence in a language to com process of educating them? The three Chen children who can be described as successful students municate the nuances of a culture to another. In his autobiography, Hunger of Memory are so because they have learned English quickly Rodriguez describes what happens in famand have made progress at school. They are(1982), acilies when parents try to socialize their children in quiring the skills and information they need for a language they do not know well. He recalls what educational advancement and participation in the happened as he and his siblings moved from Spanwork world. But is that all that is important? Can school provide children with everything they ish needto English after the parents were advised to stop using Spanish at home with the children: to learn through the formal educational process? I contend that the school cannot provide chilMy mother and father, for their part, responded differently as their children spoke to them less. She dren what is most fundamental to success in life. grew restless, seemed anxious at the scarcity of words The family plays a crucial role in providing the exchanged in the house. It was she who would quesbasic elements for successful functioning. These tion me when I came home from school. She smiled include: a sense of belonging; knowledge of who at the small talk. She pried at the edges of my se one is and where one comes from; an understand- tences to get me to say something more. (What? ing of how one is connected to the important oth-She’d join conversations she overheard, but her in trusions often stopped her children’s talking. By con ers and events in one’s life; the ability to deal with trast, my father seemed reconciled to the new quie adversity; and knowing one’s responsibility to self, Though his English improved somewhat, he retire family, community. Other elements could be addinto silence. At dinner he spoke very little. One nigh ed to the list, but the point is that these are things his children and even his wife helplessly giggled a his garbled English pronunciation of the Catholic the family must provide children at home while Grace before Meals. Thereafter he made his wife they are growing up. They cannot be taught at recite the prayer at the start of each meal, eve school. The content differs from family to family, formal occasions, when guests were in the hou but this is the curriculum of the home-what parHers became the public voice of the family. On ents and other family members teach and inculcate cial business, it was she, not my father, one w usually hear on the phone or in stores, talking in children in the socialization process. strangers. His children grew so accustomed to The curriculum of the home is taught by word silence that, years later, they would speak rout and example, by the way adults relate to the chilof his shyness. But my father was not shy, I r dren of the family, beginning at birth and not endized, when I’d watch him speaking Spanish with ing until the children are mature and on their own. atives. Using Spanish, he was quickly effusive. 206 This content downloaded from 139.182.253.11 on Wed, 23 May 2018 19:04:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Fillmore Loss of Family Languages Especially when talking with other men, his voice not only their educational development but their would spark, flicker, flare alive with sounds. In Span- psychological and emotional well being as indi- ish, he expressed ideas and feelings he rarely re- viduals as well (Cummins, 1996). vealed in English. With firm Spanish sounds, he The questions we educators need to consider conveyed confidence and authority English would are these: How and why do children give up and never allow him. (pp. 24-25) Can parents keep informed of what is hap- lose their primary languages as they learn English? What is involved, and what role are the schools pening to their children? Can they stay connected with them when the children no longer understand playing in the process? the family language? Can parents maintain their How Is a Language Lost? roles as authority figures, teachers, and moral Language loss is not a necessary or inevitaguides if they are not listened to? We discern in Rodriguez’s poignant description a family that has ble outcome when children acquire second languaglost its intimacy-the closeness between parents es. Otherwise the world would have no bilinguals. In many places around the world, bilingualism and and children. Children learn what it means to be even multilingualism are commonplace. In the parents by observing their own parents. In this famUnited States, however, and in other societies like ily, the children saw shadows only and not true it, powerful social and political forces operate pictures of who their parents were and what they against the retention of minority languages. To were like as persons. Rodriguez reveals how greatly many the loss of language and intimacy in the family and perhaps most Americans, English is more than a societal language; it is an ideology. The changed the very structure of the family as well. ideological stance is this: To be American, one The loss of language in this family severed the must speak English. spiritual bond between parents and children: English gives access to participation in the The silence at home, however, was finally more than life of the society, but it is also proof of an india literal silence. Fewer words passed between parent vidual’s acceptance of and loyalty to the American and child, but more profound was the silence that resulted from my inattention to sounds. (p. 25) ideal. Conversely, the inability to speak English is a sign that a person has not accepted the condiThat is the dilemma. That is what is lost. One might tions of being American. These sentiments are powargue that despite all of this, Rodriguez has been a erful success. He is a talented writer; he is thoughtful forces in how people see and deal with one especially in places like California, which and sensitive; and he has accomplished a great another, deal have heavy concentrations of recent immigrants.3 in his life. But what his writings reveal to this How do these forces affect the children discussed reader is a deeply conflicted and lonely man who in this article? is trying to figure out who he is, where he belongs, and what his culture means. Does it matter The inability to speak English in school is a handicapping condition in many communities, parthat children lose their family language as they ticularly in places that have no programs designed learn English as long as it does not interfere with to help children who are limited in English profitheir educational development and success in school? I think it does. ciency. Children in such situations, irrespective of or age, are quick to see that language For immigrant children, learning Englishbackground as is a social barrier, and the only way to gain access a second language and dealing with school suc- to the social world of the school is to learn Encessfully are just one set of problems to be faced. glish. The problem is that they also come to b Hanging on to their first language as they learn English is an equally great problem. Hanginglieve on that the language they already know, the on spoken at home by their families, is the cause to their sense of worth, their cultural identities, and their family connections as they become as- the barrier to participation, inclusion, and soci similated into the school and society is a tremen- acceptance. They quickly discover that in the s dous problem for all immigrant children. What is cial world of the school, English is the only lan guage that is acceptable. The message they get at stake in becoming assimilated into the society is 207 This content downloaded from 139.182.253.11 on Wed, 23 May 2018 19:04:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms THEORY INTO PRACTICE/ Autumn 2000 Children and Languages at School this: “The home language is nothing; it has no val- The processes of language loss and social adaptation may differ across individuals in detail ue at all.” If they want to be fully accepted, children come to believe that they must disavowfrom the the picture sketched here, but the broad outline of these processes is general enough so that low status language spoken at home. many immigrants will be able to map their own Children often start using English almost exclusively outside of the home just as soon as they experiences onto it. They know what happens in have learned barely enough to get by. Before long, families when children abandon the family lanthey are speaking English at home as well, even guage, and parents are no longer able to communiwith parents who do not understand the language. cate easily with them. They know about the gradual If the parents do not realize that this shift in lanerosion of trust and understanding among family guage behavior signals a change in the children’s members and about the loss of parental control. language loyalty, English will supplant the familyWhy do people allow this to happen? Few of language completely in the children’s speech. those who are involved in the process of language Language loss is the result of both internal loss realize the consequences it can have on their and external forces operating on children. Thefamily in- or children until it is too late. It is difficult ternal factors have to do with the desire for social for people to believe that children can actually lose inclusion, conformity, and the need to communia language. They recognize that their children are cate with others. The external forces are the sociochanging, becoming “Americanized,” as it were, political ones operating in the society against or more independent. But few parents doubt that outsiders, against differences, against diversity. their children, if required to do so, could switch They are the forces behind the passage of various back to their primary language. And indeed, it public referendums in California against “immi- might be somewhat true for some children. The grants” and “outside influences”: Proposition 63 loss of a primary language is rarely total. But in in 1986, banning the use of languages other than most cases, when children are not actively using English in public life; Proposition 187 in 1994, their primary language in everyday interactions, denying undocumented immigrants health, welfare, they do not develop it further, as was the case with and educational services provided by public funds4; Chu-mei, or Sondra. She is still able to speak CanProposition 209 in 1996, ending affirmative action tonese, but not at an appropriate level for a child her age. programs in jobs and education; and finally Proposition 227 in 1998, eliminating bilingual education Suggestions for Educators as the preferred instructional program for LEP students. Children may not understand what these public actions mean, but they are aware of the underlying sentiment. They interpret it as saying to them: What can educators do to make the process of learning the school language and adapting to life in American culture easier on immigrant children and their families? What can they do to make To be different is to be unacceptable. Thus chil- English learning less subtractive than it is now? Ideally children would attend schools where the selves of what makes them unacceptable. Language primary language is used along with English, and is an obvious difference, so it is the first to go. they would be given opportunities to develop both Names, dress, haircuts-whatever is obviously dif- languages fully. But that may not be possible unferent is changed: Chu-mei becomes Sondra, Kai- der current socio-political conditions. Whether or fong becomes Ken, and Allison is Allison from not it is, parents and teachers should be working the start. Baggy legged jeans and oversized T-shirts together to find other ways to support children’s replace unfashionable homemade garments, and the development and retention of their primary lanchildren are transformed. They are still different guages, and to make their adjustment to school an from their schoolmates, but not quite as different easier one for everyone involved. Such collaborative efforts between educators as before. They are no longer outsiders: They are Americans, not foreigners like their parents. and parents, although needed, are not easy. The dren do what they believe they must to rid them- 208 This content downloaded from 139.182.253.11 on Wed, 23 May 2018 19:04:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Fillmore Loss of Family Languages parents who need the most help are unlikely todren become alienated from parents in the process of becoming Americans, the parents do not always speak or understand much English. If teachers can know what is going on in their children’s lives speak their language, they can work directly with Teachers sometimes see what is happening with them. Otherwise teachers must work through inchildren that the parents do not (Olsen, 1997). terpreters, and that is never easy. The parents must Finally, teachers should help parents underbe convinced that they need to be involved and to find time to work with the school for efforts like stand that the only way ethnic languages and cul tures can survive in societies like the United States this to work. Many immigrant parents have long workdays is through community action. Immigrant commuand may find it difficult to participate in school ac- nities have historically been involved in supporttivities after work. Others may lack the confidence to ing heritage language and cultural programs. This work with teachers with whom they are not able to requires community action, and such action can be communicate easily. Still others may not under-taken only by members of the immigrant commu- stand the need for joint action on the part of thenity. Community action is necessary if the famihome and school. Undertakings such the ones I amly’s language and culture are to survive the process suggesting require a strong developmental effortof becoming Americans. on the part of the school. The suggestions that fol- Notes low are meant to help educators become aware of the need to work with parents to make the situa-1. Some groups are more retentive of their ethnic lantion in their school and community easier on im- guages than others, and have managed to maintain them even into the third generation (Fishman & Hofman, 1966; Portes & Hao, 1998). First, teachers can help parents understand 2. The family name Chen is a pseudonym, as are all that they must provide children opportunities tothe given names used here. Chen is about as common a attain a mature command of their first language in surname among the Chinese as Smith or Jones is among migrant students. the home, whether or not it is supported in school. Americans. I have tried to use both Chinese and AmerThis is done by using more and more mature forms ican given names that are similar enough to the real names of family members since their names revealed of the language at home in talking with the children how they were adjusting to the American experience. as they grow older and expecting more mature speech3. According to the Immigration and Naturalization from them. Parents should be encouraged to find Service, one of every four immigrants to the United time to talk with their children, read to them (ifStates eventually resettles in California. When I was this is a practice in the culture of the home), andrecently called for jury duty, I overheard three separate remarks from individuals complaining about teach them things that interest educated members “foreigners” who could not speak English well. The of their group. Families that come from culturesyoung woman who was calling names of prospective with a rich oral tradition will have many stories jurors on the public address system did so with evidence of Spanish in her pronunciation of English. Her and histories to share with the children. Teachers English was nonetheless completely grammatical and should encourage them to use these materials and to intelligible. In the San Francisco Bay area, with its regard them as equal to written materials that other very diverse population, there were many unfamiliar families might use with their children at home. surnames to be called, and she occasionally stumbled over the names she was reading, as anyone might. A Second, teachers and parents should be aware of the traumatic experiences children may bewoman un- who was sitting beside me in the jury assembly room complained to those seated around her: “They dergoing as they try to fit themselves into the soshould not hire people who can’t speak English! Peocial world of the school. They need to be alert ple to who don’t speak English properly shouldn’t be alsigns of emotional problems and to treat such problowed to deal with the public.” That was just one of lems gently and supportively rather than cause three chil-such remarks I overhead that day. 4. Proposition 187 was declared to be unconstitutional in dren to withdraw further from family and teachers. 1997 in a legal challenge brought before the federal court Third, teachers and parents need to work toin Los Angeles. Invoking the “Personal Responsibility gether to neutralize some of the negative forces and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996,” the that operate on children in our society. When chilwelfare reform legislation enacted by Congress, Judge 209 This content downloaded from 139.182.253.11 on Wed, 23 May 2018 19:04:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms THEORY INTO PRACTICE / Autumn 2000 Children and Languages at School Fishman, J.A., & Hofman, J.E. (1966). Mother tongue M.R. Pfaelzer found in League of United Latin Ameriand nativity in the American population. In J. A. can Citizens v. Wilson, that 187 was an effort by the state to regulate immigration by restricting access to Fishman (Ed.), Language loyalty in the United States (pp. 34-50). The Hague, Netherlands: Mouwelfare and educational services. The regulation of immigration is exclusively a federal responsibility, and ton &Co. Hinton, L. (1999, December). Involuntary language lo the state does not have the power to override federal legislation with its “own legislative scheme to regulate among immigrants: Asian-American linguistic auto biographies. ERIC Digest, p. 3. Retrieved July 29 access to public benefits,” the judge declared. Former Governor Pete Wilson appealed the decision in the 2000 from the World Wide Web: http://www.cal.org/ Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, but he was out of of- ericcll/digest/involuntary.html, Kouritzin, S.G. (1999). Face(t)s of first language loss fice before the case was heard. It was left to the present Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. governor, Gray Davis, to settle the matter. In 1999, Davis asked the court to submit the case for mediation. Lambert, W.E. (1977). The effects of bilingualism o The state and the opponents of 187 recently came to the individual: Cognitive and socio-cultural conterms of agreement, ending any future challenges to sequences. In P. Hornby (Ed.), Bilingualism: Psychological, social and educational implications. the ruling. New York: Academic Press. Lau v. Nichols, 414 U.S. 563, 566-69, 94 S.Ct. 786, 788-90, 39 L.Ed.2d 1 (1974) References Benjamin, R. (1993). The maintenance of Spanish by L6pez, D.E. (1982). Language maintenance and shift Mexicano children and its function in their school in the United States today. Los Alamitos, CA: lives. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The Uni- National Center for Bilingual Research. versity of California at Berkeley. Macias, R.F. (1998). Summary report of the survey of Cummins, J. (1996). Negotiating identities: Educationthe states’ limited English proficient students and for empowerment in a diverse society. Ontario, CA: available educational programs and services, California Association for Bilingual Education. 1996-97. Washington, DC: National Clearinghouse Fillmore, L.W. (1991a). Language and cultural issuesfor Bilingual Education. in early education. In S.L. Kagan (Ed.), The care Olsen, L. (1997) Made in America: Immigrant students and education of America’s young children: Ob- in our public schools. New York: New Press. stacles and opportunities (The 90th yearbook Portes, of A., & Hao, L. (1998). E pluribus unum: Bilinthe National Society for the Study of Education) gualism and language loss in the second generation. (pp. 30-49). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago (Economics Working Paper Archive at Washington Press,. University, St. Louis). Retrieved July 29, 2000 Fillmore, L.W. (1991b). When learning a second lanfrom the World Wide Web: http://ideas.uqam.ca/ guage means losing the first. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 6, 323-346. Fishman, J.A. (1996). What do you lose when you lose your language? In G. Cantoni (Ed.), Stabilizing indigenous languages (Monograph series, special issue) (pp. 80-91). Flagstaff: Center for Excellence in Education, Northern Arizona University: ideas/data/Papers/wpawuwpma9805006.html Portes, A., & Rumbault, R.G. (1990). Immigrant America: A portrait. Berkeley: The University of California Press. Rodriguez, R., (1982). Hunger of memory: The education of Richard Rodriguez. Toronto and New York: Bantam Books. riP 210 This content downloaded from 139.182.253.11 on Wed, 23 May 2018 19:04:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
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