What do you think is most important for Chicana/o/x or Latinx people to learn about and why OR what do you think people who are not part of the community need to know about the experience

4: INDIGENEITIES

Amber Rose González, Mario Alberto Viveros Espinoza-Kulick, Melissa Moreno, Lucha Arévalo, Eddy Francisco Alvarez Jr.

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CHAPTER OVERVIEW

4: Indigeneities

Recognize theories and knowledge produced by Chicanx and Latinx Indigenous communities to describe critical events, histories, traditions, and social struggles, emphasizing agency and group affirmation. Identify and assess how struggle, resistance, racial and social justice, solidarity, and liberation among Chicanx and Latinx Indigenous folks of the Americas are relevant to current and structural issues such as immigration, settler-colonialism, multiculturalism, and language policies. Describe and actively engage with anti-racist and anti-colonial issues and the practices and movements in Chicanx and Latinx Indigenous communities to build a just and equitable society.

Introduction

🧿 Content Warning: Physical Violence and Sexual Violence. Please note that this chapter includes discussions of physical and sexual violence.

This chapter explores the themes of Indigeneity and migration as they affect social, cultural, and political intra-and-inter group dynamics among Chicanx and Indigenous Latinx communities native to the Americas and Indigenous to this hemisphere. By intra- and-inter-group dynamics, we mean between and across groups, which considers global political economies and social dynamics. This complexity requires the use of a transnational framework to look beyond rigid historical narratives of nation and Indigenous identity.

Chicanx and Indigenous Latinx peoples are affected by the legacy and ongoing violence of colonialism, attempted genocide against Native Americans by Europeans, contemporary issues of land displacement (especially in Central America and Mexico), harsh immigration policies, and militarized enforcement strategies. These systems intersect, and by examining them in-depth, we observe the tradition of people’s movement across land and water, establishing contact between groups and navigating power relationships.

Each section in this chapter provides a closer look at the concepts, histories, intersections, and complexity of Chicanx and Latinx Indigeneities. In the first section, you will learn more about the conceptual frameworks, terms, and definitions that inform our understanding of Indigeneity, migration, and racialized ethnic identity. This foundation guides our next section, which more closely examines the historical and political background facing Chicanx and Indigenous Latinx peoples today. These perspectives cut across human experiences and intersect with gender, sexuality, and race. This topic is the subject of the third section. In the fourth section, you will learn more about how Chicanx and Latinx Indigenous experiences intersect with sexuality, gender, and migration, including the gendered treatment of Indigenous women and social norms facing lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, Two- Spirit, and similarly identified LGBTQ2S+ people.

This chapter provides a window into the social struggles that motivate activism among Chicanxs and Indigenous Latinxs for cultural sovereignty, racial justice, decolonization of knowledge, and the production of cultural affirmation, resilience, and strong communities in the face of external threats and systemic oppression. Understanding these lessons can help us realize more opportunities to stand up against injustice in our diverse communities.

Decolonization refers to the multiple processes of resistance that work to end the dynamics of colonialism and establish, restore, and defend Indigenous sovereignty. It is important to note that decolonization is a political process that refers specifically to Indigenous sovereignty. It is not a general term that captures all forms of social justice.

This poem, “In Lak’ech,” is a philosophy rooted in Indigenous worldviews emphasizing interconnectedness, love, and respect, acknowledging life and community in the Anahuac (Mesoamerica) region in the oral tradition of Mayan culture, which was written by Chicano playwright and activist Luis Valdez. It is sometimes used in teaching Chicanx and Latinx studies courses.

 Learning Objectives

 Poetry Spotlight: In Lak'ech

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Tú eres mi otro yo. (You are my other me.) Si te hago daño a ti, (If I do harm to you,) Me hago daño a mi mismo. (I do harm to myself.) Si te amo y respeto, (If I love and respect you,) Me amo y respeto yo. (I love and respect myself.)

4.1: Concepts for Understanding Chicanx and Latinx Indigeneities 4.2: Indigenous Histories, Wars, Imperialism, and Migration 4.3: Narratives, Representation, Epistemic Violence, and Healing 4.4: Gender, Sexuality, Migration, and Indigeneity 4.5: Conclusion

This page titled 4: Indigeneities is shared under a CC BY-NC 4.0 license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Mario Alberto Viveros Espinoza-Kulick & Melissa Moreno (ASCCC Open Educational Resources Initiative (OERI)) .

4.1.1 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/138202

4.1: Concepts for Understanding Chicanx and Latinx Indigeneities

Core Definitions: Chicanx and Latinx Indigeneities

Indigeneity is a broad term that refers to a sense of belonging and ongoing ties among people from a shared homeland that originated before colonization. It is essential to understand the distinctions between Chicanx, Xicanx, Indigenous Latinx, and Latinx Indigenites. Indigenous Chicanx is a self-defined identity category signifying Indigeneity and awareness of their historical roots in this hemisphere, including Anahuac (Mesoamerica). Xicanx is a preferred identity term among some Chicanxs involved in Indigenous movements. “Chi” produces the same sound as “Xi,” but “Chi” is the Spanishpronunciation, and “Xi” is the Indigenous one.

Indigenous Latinx is an umbrella term for Indigenous migrants to the United States from South and Central America, the Caribbean, and Mexico (for example, Maya, Mixteco, Purépecha, Taino, Zapoteco, etc.). They are members of Indigenous pueblos or nations with traditional languages, customs, responsibilities to tribal communities, sensibilities, and dispositions. These identity labels were first introduced in Section 2.1: Defining Latinx Demographics.

To understand the lived experience of Indigenous Latinx peoples examined in this chapter, we rely on the work of Maylei Blackwell, Boj Lopez, and Luis Urrieta, who define Critical Latinx Indigeneities (CLI) as an analytic framework that addresses how Indigeneity is produced differentially by multiple colonialities present on Indigenous land, where different Indigenous diasporas exist in a shared space and is used to “critique enduring colonial logics and practices that operate from different localities of power as well as the physical, social, cultural, economic, and psychological violence that often targets Indigenous Latinx peoples, including forms of state and police violence, cultural appropriation, economic exploitation, gender violence, social exclusion, and psychological abuse.” CLI refuses the ways migration scholars overlook the ‘‘receiving countries’’ as Indigenous territories and nations. Thus, Critical Latinx Indigeneities works against the erasure of the Indigenous People. CLI examines mobility as a global Indigenous process of displacement and considers the shifts in racial formations and how Indigenous people are racialized differently across and between different settler states.

This perspective challenges Chicanx and Latinx studies to uproot ideologies in broader society, especially as they are reproduced through narrow definitions of Latinidad, as introduced in Section 2.1: Defining Latinx Demographics. For instance, Lopez and Urrieta say that the ideology of Indigenismo deployed during the Chicano movement is an “Aztec-centric celebration of the Indigenous past of the nation, which often serves to erase the present and future of the sixty-three Indigenous pueblos of Mexico” and the millions of Indigenous peoples living around the world. Others, like Tomas Perez, Jennie Luna, and Susy Zepeda, dispute that Indigenismo is only tied to Aztec culture and instead consider Indigenismo as promoting the various Indigenous pueblos for a growing sense of empowerment. This was observed in the case of Mexican President Larezo Cardenas when he provided institutional support to promote the culture, art, and history of many Indigenous Mexican tribes during his administration, which was not limited to Mexica Aztec. The various approaches to Indigenous identity are the subject of inquiry for Indigenous Chicanx and Latinx scholars.

The Indigenous Peoples/Indigenous Knowledges Caucus has been a part of the National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies (NACCS) since the mid-1990s and was formed with much struggle to recognize Indigenous roots. The caucus was established in response to the Zapatista uprising and Indigenous social movements, reminding the world of the presence of Indigenous people in the Americas. Participating scholars have contributed to scholarship for understanding Chicanx and Latinx Indigeneities in relationship to identity, foodways, land displacement, social movements, and futurities across borders. It was founded by Roberto Cintli Rodríguez, Jennie Luna, Roberto Hernández, Patrisia Gonzales, Gabriel Estrada, and Steve Casanova, and then led by Ernesto Tlahuitollini Colín, Robert Muñoz, Devon Peña, Melissa Moreno, Susy Zepeda, and others. Some caucus members are displayed in Figure 4.1.1 at a NACCS conference.

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 Organization Spotlight: Chicanx and Latinx Indigenous Scholars

4.1.2 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/138202

Figure 4.1.1: “Indigenous Peoples/Indigenous Knowledge Members” by Melissa Moreno, Author is licensed CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Indigenous Roots in Chicanx and Latinx Communities Tienes el nopal en la frente (You have the cactus on your forehead) – dicho

This common and harmful saying means you are Indigenous or “look” Indigenous but are attempting to hide it. It is often used to refer to a self-hating person who appears to “clearly” look Indigenous but refuses to self-identify as Indigenous or with their Indigenous roots in any way. It is a saying that is commonly known among members of Indigenous Chicanx and Latinx communities. The common nature of this saying identifies how anti-Indigneous sentiments are part of sustained socio-cultural assumptions.

Like race and ethnicity, a sense of Indigeneity is constructed through cultural norms, shared group formations, communities, institutions, and families. Indigeneity is also often recognized and policed through phenotype, with individuals with darker skin and features associated with local Indigenous peoples being more likely to be visibly associated with stereotypes and cultural scripts about Indigenous people. However, Indigeneity is also constructed through systems of sovereignty, traditional knowledge, mutual recognition, and intergenerational kinship.

Indigenous peoples maintain and promote traditional languages, knowledge, and customs into the contemporary era. In the lands referred to as North America and Latin America, the Indigenous peoples have used names like Isla Tortuga / Turtle Island, referring to the North American continent; Abya Yala, referring to southern Mexico and Central America; and Pachamama, referring to South America. Indigenous people are also an active part of the culture, politics, and history of island societies in the Caribbean, such as the Arawak-speaking Taino people. These are regional solidarities that demonstrate the interconnected and globally conscious perspectives embedded in Indigenous communities.

In Figure 4.1.2, a visual representation is displayed with the percentage of Indigenous people living in Latin American countries today, which totals 46 million across the region and ranges from 0.2% in El Salvador to 62.2% in Bolivia. Guatemala follows this at 41%, Peru at 24%, and Mexico at 15.1%. There are over 800 recognized Indigenous groups in Latin America, with the most significant number of distinct Indigenous peoples residing in Brazil, with over 300 different Indigenous peoples represented. Scholars also estimate that 200 or more groups operate actively but do not seek state or federal recognition.

4.1.3 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/138202

Figure 4.1.2: “Indigenous Peoples in Latin America” by Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), United Nations is licensed under free use

The labels on the chart read: Indigenous Peoples in Latin America. By the year 2010, an estimated 45 million Indigenous people lived in Latin America, accounting for 8.3 % of the region’s population. The United Nations has championed the promotion of their rights by using different resources and special regulations for this purpose. At present, there are 826 Indigenous peoples. An additional 200 are estimated to be living in voluntary isolation.

In the chart, the countries are labeled by their name, percentage of Indigenous people out of the total population, and Total number of Indigenous population. They are Mexico, 15.1%, 17 million, Honduras 7%, 537,000, Panama 12.3%, 420,000, Colombia, 3.4%, 1.6 million, Venezuela, 2.7% 725,000, Brazil, 0.5%, 900,000, Bolivia, 62.2%, 6.2 million, Paraguay, 1.8%, 113,000, Uruguay, 2.4%, 77,000, Argentina, 2.4%, 955,000, Chile, 11%, 1.8 million, Peru, 24%, 7 million, Ecuador, 7%, 1 million, Costa Rica, 2.4%, 105,000, Nicaragua, 8.9%, 520,000, El Salvador, 0.2%, 14,500, Guatemala, 41%, 5.9 million.

Additionally, the captions included read: “The countries with the greatest number of Indigenous peoples are: Brazil, Colombia, 102, Peru 85, Mexico 78, Bolivia, 39.” and “Many Indigenous peoples are in danger of physical or cultural disappearance: Brazil, 70, Colombia, 35, Bolivia, 13.”

And the chart is summarized with the text, “ECLAC encourages the region’s countries to put public policies in practice which: 1) are based on standards of Indigenous people’s rights, 2) include their perspectives and contributions to the region’s development, 3) consolidate improvements in their well-being and living conditions, political participation and territorial rights, 4) promote the construction of multicultural societies that benefit us all.”

4.1.4 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/138202

Indigenous Identities: Terminology and Definitions

Various creation stories are associated with distinct Indigenous peoples and nations and tribes of the Western Hemisphere, reflecting the diversity of the land and peoples. Some peoples whose homelands are now occupied by the United States include peoples the Haudenosaunee (Peoples of the Longhouse, also known as the Six Nations), Diné (also known as Navajo), Istichata (also known as Muskogee or Creek), and Siksikaitsitapi (also known as Blackfoot). In the lands now occupied by Latin America and the Caribbean, this includes groups like the Mexica Aztec Nation, Maya, Zapotec, Purépecha, Mixteco, Mapuche Peoples, Guarani Peoples, and many more across the Southwest, Southeast, Caribbean Basin, Amazon Basin. Indigenous people have distinct names and histories, which include contact, trade, conflict, and more. There are differences and diversity among these Indigenous groups, including traditions, language, religion, political organization, and more. However, despite these differences, Indigenous groups across the western hemisphere share the experience of various European invasions and colonization, and resisting and adapting to preserve culture, heritage, and identity.

As a label, the word Indigenous is “used to describe peoples who existed before colonization and can be used to describe the Indigenous peoples of the Americas.” Always use the capital I: “Indigenous” to designate the term as a proper noun. By contrast, the word Indian by itself “connotes the history of settlers perpetuating genocide … While there are many individuals who use the term “Indian” to describe themselves, particularly when among their own in-group, it is often seen as offensive for non-Native individuals to use this term.” “The terms “American Indian,” “Native American,” “First Nations,” or simply “Native” are seen as more respectful.” Specifically, American Indian and Native American refer to Indigenous peoples of the lands currently occupied by the United States. First Nations is most frequently used by Indigenous people in Canada. Many individuals and communities primarily associate their identity with a specific tribal group or nation, like Chumash, Salinan, Purépecha, or Mixteco, rather than a general category.

For Chicanxs, in the 1960s, Aztlán was considered the name of a homeland in the area now known as the Greater Southwest in the United States. The claim to the Greater Southwest by Chicanxs in the 1960s is troubling because it overlooks the past and present existence of Native tribal nations living in the regions in these areas, who were colonized by the Spanish before becoming part of Mexico, and then the United States. The idea that Chicanxs had a rightful claim to the land is contradicted by the Nahua paradigm, which states that the meaning of Aztlán is not a physical homeland but rather a body of water that needs stewardship, from which ancestors of Chicanxs today migrated. This emphasizes the liberatory and transformative potential embedded in the idea of Aztlán, which is focused on antiracism, self-empowerment, and solidarity among Indigenous peoples. As well, many individuals and communities can trace their lineage to both Indigenous Latinx and Native American tribes, who had regular contact, trade, and cultural exchange in the region for centuries.

According to oral tradition, this is the last message by the Governing Council of Mexico Tenochtitlan, given by Cuauhtémoc as his last act of government on August 12, 1521. The message is about the importance of Indigenous parents teaching children traditions in the home, even during an invasion.

Our Sun has gone down

Our Sun has hidden its face

and has left us in complete darkness

But we know it will return again

that it will rise again

to light us anew

But while it is there in

the Mansion of Silence

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