According to Manoucheka Celeste, what is a Wailing Woman

We learn as much from each other as we do from the texts that we read. Therefore, participation is the foundation to this course. For your weekly discussion posts, engaging thoroughly with the texts we read, summarizing their arguments, and responding thoughtfully is crucial to your success in the course. What did you like? What weren’t you vibing with? What did it encourage you to think about? How can we apply what we read to our everyday lives? These are all just suggestions as prompts but feel free to address them directly.

For full credit, I expect a 500-700 word summary of the articles, 200 or so words about your reflections of the readings, and two questions that came up for you during the readings. I encourage you be specific and thoughtful in your questions, as they will be useful for your final project.

Then, respond thoughtfully to at least two of your peers. “I agree” statements will not receive full credit, so I encourage you to engage with that in mind.

Specifically for this week, consider the following:

According to Manoucheka Celeste, what is a Wailing Woman?

Why does Jennifer C. Nash consider self love as a practice of freedom?

What does Rapp et al. name as the “challenge of Black feminist activism”?

Requirements: 200

Feminist Criminology5(3) 244 –262© The Author(s) 2010Reprints and permission: http://www. sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.navDOI: 10.1177/1557085110371634http://fc.sagepub.comThe Internet as a Tool for Black Feminist Activism: Lessons From an Online Antirape ProtestLaura Rapp1, Deeanna M Button1, Benjamin Fleury-Steiner1, and Ruth Fleury-Steiner1AbstractThis article explores how the Internet is a tool for Black women to challenge violence against women of color. It highlights online protest in response to the actions of civil rights organizations’ narrow focus on the treatment of Black male offenders while overlooking the civil rights of Black female victims. Specifically, the article examines a protest focusing on the reactions of racial justice leaders to a brutal gang rape in a Palm Beach housing project known as Dunbar Village. Drawing from the literature on collective action frames, this article illustrates how the Dunbar Village protest evolved from an online dialogue to social protest.KeywordsBlack feminism; activism; internet; sexual assaultRacial Differences: Boca Raton and Dunbar Village Rape CasesOn June 18, 2007 a gang-style rape occurred in Dunbar Village, an impoverished, predominantly Black housing project in West Palm Beach, Florida. On this date, at least four1 Black male assailants knocked on a Black Haitian woman’s door stating that her car had a flat tire. Once outside, the woman and her young son were con-fronted at gun point. Forced back in their home, the woman was beaten, raped, sodomized, and forced to have oral sex with her son. Both of them were then tortured 1University of DelawareCorresponding Author:Laura Rapp, University of Delaware, Sociology and Criminal Justice, 322 Smith Hall, Newark, DE 19716Email: [email protected]

Rapp et al. 245by having household cleaning products poured in their eyes and the son is now blind. Although the neighbors in the Dunbar Village reported hearing the mother and son scream for help, no one called the authorities. The suspects also stole money and jew-elry before leaving. The mother and son then walked to the nearest hospital. Over the next few months, three juveniles, Avion Lawson, 14, Nathan Walker, 16, Jakaris Taylor, 16, and an adult, Tommy L. Pointdexter,19, were arrested by Florida police and held without bail on suspicion of armed sexual battery by multiple perpetrators, armed home invasion, and aggravated battery. After their arrest, the Black juveniles charged with the crime were denied bail.About 6 months later, on December 31, 2007, 5 White males (4 out of 5 were juve-niles) and 2 White girls, aged 13 and 14, were drinking vodka to celebrate New Year’s Eve at a lake in Pelican Cay, an affluent neighborhood just west of Boca Raton, Florida. When the girls were too drunk to protest, the 5 males took turns sexually assaulting and raping them. A neighbor called 911 after one of the girls began to scream. The assailants ran away, leaving the girls helpless on the ground. On January 22, 2008, 4 of the juve-niles were charged as adults for two counts of rape, Blake Carter, 14, Alex Perriello, 16, Eddie Otaegui, 17, and Ryan Lafferty, 14. William Long Jr., 18, was charged as an adult at the time of his arrest. Unlike the Black offenders charged in the Dunbar Village case, bail was set for the White defendants from US$40,000 to US$75,000.Involvement of National Civil Rights OrganizationsThe difference in the judicial response to the crimes drew the ire of national civil rights organizations. National Action Network2 (NAN) leader Reverend Al Sharpton and the Florida chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People3 (NAACP) staged a protest in which Sharpton stated “You cannot have one set of rules for acts that are wrong and horrific in Boca and another set in Dunbar Village” (Spencer-Wendell, 2008). On March 11, 2008 in response to what they deemed as explicit racial biases in bail practices in Florida, NAN and the NAACP took to the streets of the Dunbar Village housing project. It was here that the local chapter of the NAACP dis-tributed fliers with pictures of two of the four juveniles charged in the case with the words “Voice, Vulnerable, Victims!” printed in bold font. Beneath the pictures were the words: “Young African American Males . . . AN ENDANGERED SPECIES!!”4In the hours after the NAACP and NAN protest, Gina McCauley (2008b), a promi-nent figure in the emerging Black feminist blogosphere posted to her What About Our Daughters (WAOD) blog the entry, “Al Sharpton Wants Rapists and Torturers Roam-ing Around Your Neighborhood—NAACP and Sharpton Get Into It At Press Confer-ence.” Clearly outraged over what she perceived as a grievous neglect of the Dunbar Village victims by local and national racial justice elites, McCauley (2008b) wrote:So I guess their MISSION as it relates to Black on Black crime is to offer uncon-ditional support to the Black criminal while the Black victims of crime aren’t worth the trouble. Um, maybe your kids are incarcerated without bond because they are amoral, without a conscience and an extreme danger to the community.

246 Feminist Criminology 5(3)Let’s be clear. Al Sharpton and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored people want the State of Florida to release violent torturers and rap-ists back into the community. MaCauley (2008b, np) The Issue: Black Feminists ProtestThe discontent voiced by the NAACP and NAN is justified in terms of the organiza-tion’s shared imperatives; the lack of bail for the Dunbar offenders is an example of the racist double-standards in the American criminal justice process. In one instance, three poor, young, Black juveniles are denied bail and held in pretrial detention. In contrast, the five affluent, White, predominantly juvenile males are given the opportu-nity to post bond and be freed to their families. Although there appears to be no explicit intent to devalue the lives of Black women victims on the part of the NAACP and NAN, when the offender is a Black male and the victim is a Black female these orga-nizations avoid taking a public position.Until the Boca Raton incident, mainstream racial justice organizations were not forthcoming on the Dunbar Village rape case. Their longstanding conception of anti-racist practice as equal justice for Black male offenders in the absence of recognizing Black female victims would prove to be the catalyst for an immediate and widespread backlash on the Internet. Black women would charge what they termed as “immorally indifferent” (McCauley, 2008a) civil rights leaders with a callously insensitive and out of touch response to the horrifying events that transpired at Dunbar Village.Situating Black Feminist Resistance OnlineThere is a small but growing body of scholarship on “cyberactivism” (McCaughey & Ayers, 2003); however, in our review we have found no study of Black feminist pro-test online. There are case studies of the internet as a tool for activism and social protest in other contexts (e.g., see Gurak & Logie, 2003). In contrast, rather than orga-nizing protests, studies of online feminist communities find that feminist dialogue without organized action dominates the activities of participants (Kendall, 1998). In a recent Study of The National Organization of Women’s (NOW) website, Ayers (2003) concluded that online participants “did not seem politically or socially motivated out-side of the confines of their computer screen” (Ayers, 2003, p. 162). Alternatively, some websites make it their mission to enable women to engage in direct action, including HollaBackNYC.com, which provide a space for victims of sexual harass-ment to upload pictures and descriptions of their assailants. This article is, at least to our knowledge, the first to focus on online feminist protest.Theoretical ExpectationsAlthough the Internet is a new tool for social protest, the issues raised by participants involved in the Dunbar Village antirape campaign are not. There is a rich literature on Black women’s resistance to a longstanding, male-centered, common sense of racial

Rapp et al. 247justice (e.g., Collins, 1998, 2000, 2004; Crenshaw, 1991). Our objective is to illustrate how the Internet may be used by Black women to have their experiences and voices heard. Online activism differs in other obvious ways from the offline context. The Internet is a massive global forum that creates significant challenges for having one’s grievances heard. Recent research demonstrates how well-funded online organiza-tions serve as gate keepers for deciding what is and is not an important social problem (Maratea, 2008). Lacking the resources to use sophisticated technologies for connect-ing with literally millions of users almost instantaneously, most issue-oriented websites are easily overlooked compared to the corporate-funded online media campaigns. Despite these limitations, the Black women presented here used the Internet as a tool for explicitly challenging the dominant, Black male-centered racial injustice story emp-loyed by nationally known organizations such as NAN and the NAACP.Violence Against Women of Color and the Politics of Racial JusticeBlack women have historically been caught in a political catch-22 that makes their experiences largely invisible in dominant White-female centered feminist and Black-male centered antiracist law and politics (Collins, 2000, 2004). Crenshaw (1991) argues that the invisibility of Black women in the larger racial justice movement highlights what she refers to as political intersectionality:Although racism and sexism readily intersect in the lives of real people, they seldom do in feminist and antiracist practices. And so, when the practices expound identity as woman or person of color as an either/or proposition, they relegate the identity of women of color to a location that resists telling (Crenshaw, 1991, p. 1242).Despite evidence of effective Black feminist antirape campaigns that date back many decades, the observation that Black women have been and continue to be silenced in the contemporary racial justice movement is widely demonstrated in the literature. Even with a remarkably robust program of antirape education and activism launched by Black Feminist activists in the early 1980s (Mathews, 1989), Black women who are victims of rape remain largely undervalued and even vilified in the Black community (Collins, 2000, 2004).Crenshaw’s (1991) work on the failure of antirape law and politics in the broader contemporary racial justice movement is particularly instructive. A protracted history of White supremacist violence against historically well-known Black men such as Emmett Till, the Scottsboro Boys, and numerous others create a pervasive masculine politics of racial injustice that have come to define the broader movement. Crenshaw demonstrated that even in recent cases involving Black-on-Black rapes, the word of the Black male rapist is privileged over his Black female accuser. Celebrity boxer

248 Feminist Criminology 5(3)Mike Tyson and the rape of Desiree Washington represents an example of misguided protectionism:Some defended the support given to Tyson on the grounds that all African Americans can readily imagine their sons, fathers, brothers, or uncles being accused wrongly of rape. Yet daughters, mothers, sisters, and aunts also deserve at least similar concern, because statistics show that Black women are more likely to be raped than Black men are to be falsely accused of it. Given the mag-nitude of Black women’s vulnerability to sexual violence, it is not unreasonable to expect as much concern for Black women who are raped as is expressed for the men who are accused of raping them (Crenshaw, 1991, pp. 1240-1241).Crenshaw further shows how Washington was largely demonized as an opp ortunistic “ho” in the Black community. Indeed, the silencing of Black women’s victimization and attack on their identity gives way to hypersexualized cultural archetypes (Collins, 1998, 2004). Stereotypes dehumanizing Black women as “welfare queens,” lascivious “bitches,” and “hos” (Collins, 1998; Davis, 1983; Roberts, 2002) is an entrenched part of Draconian legal reforms such as the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA), which takes an employment-oriented app-roach to lowering poverty rates (Neubeck & Cazenave, 2001). The PRWORA takes an employment-oriented approach to lowering poverty rates but instead of addressing the complexity of poverty issues that many low-income Black women face, it emphasizes obtaining low paying jobs that they do not allow individuals to escape the poverty status. For example, this employment-oriented philosophy, as it is proposed by the PRWORA, does not address the issue that many low-income women are unable to obtain steady employment because they lack specific education and training (Reese, 2005). Popular culture, especially in Black genre cinema and hip-hop (Dyson, 2007) as well as in the racist-sexist tirades of nationally syndicated public radio shock jocks, such as Don Imus and his recent description of the Black members of the Rutgers University women’s basketball team as “nappy-headed ho’s,” reveal that a potent anti-Black woman ideology pervades contemporary dis-course in the United States.The Challenge of Black Feminist ActivismHistorically, when attention is paid to sexual violence against Black women, the national focus in mainstream media and political discourse invariably reproduces existing sys-tems of oppression. Indeed, both ends of the political spectrum advance a narrative of an immoral Black community through a masculine-centered framework. On the politi-cal Right, violence against women of color is largely framed as symptomatic of broken family life and other markers of a perceived deviant Black group (Brown et al., 2005). Right Wing pundits remain invariably silent on actual incidents of violence against

Rapp et al. 249women of color, but aggressively respond to misogynistic, offensive entertainment involving Black (i.e., hip-hop) artists and rarely focus on White artists (i.e., misogy-nistic comedians; Crenshaw, 1991). Mainstream liberal commentators have framed violence against women as a problem rooted in a subculture of violent Black mascu-linity (Goodnough, 2007). Mainstream narratives are rarely written by, nor do they give voice to, the experiences of Black women who are survivors of sexual violence (Collins, 2000).5Black feminist advocates in the struggle for equality, however, developed methods to authenticate their voices. One such strategy is to create “safe spaces” (Collins, 2000, p.98) that allow Black feminists to resist and transcend the intersecting oppres-sions of race and gender. Such “safe spaces” have emerged in informal collectives, such as book clubs, neighborhood gatherings, and organized educational events where Black feminists are able to contest the ideologies that perpetuate the objectification and oppression of Black women (Collins, 2000; White, 1999). Previous research on Black feminist protests demonstrates how activists adapt “safe spaces” for voicing grievances and building solidarity into “racialized, gendered, and class-based mobiliz-ing strategies in a collective action against rape” (White, 1999, p.79). White’s (1999) study of the Tyson case demonstrates how an informal group of Black feminists orga-nized a sophisticated, community-based anti-rape campaign. After a petition of hun-dreds of Black women and men condemned the public insensitivity toward the victim as well as the sexual abuse of Black women and girls in general, a rape prevention speaker’s bureau and a coalition of Black community members concerned about sex-ual violence against women and Black feminism was created and maintained for sev-eral years. The efforts put forth by White (1999)—who was also an active participant in the Tyson-driven antirape protest and awareness campaign—and her fellow Black feminists demonstrates how organizing against racial and gendered oppression of Black women can result in significant positive outcomes.Analytical Approach: Framing the Issues OnlineIn approaching the blog entries and other online materials (i.e., NAACP policy state-ments), we were interested in learning if an online antirape protest of a much lower profile event evolved in a similar manner as the Tyson protest documented in White’s (1999) work. Specifically, we focused on how the online (see Appendix B for a dis-cussion of methodological considerations involving the retrieval of online content) antirape protests evolved in terms of the construction of collective action frames:Collective action frames are constructed in part as movement adherents negoti-ate a shared understanding of some problematic condition or situation they define as in need change, make attributions regarding who or what is to blame, articulate an alternative set of arrangements, and urge others to act in concert to affect change (Benford & Snow, 2000, p. 615).

250 Feminist Criminology 5(3)Negotiating a Shared Understanding of the ProblemWhite (1999) shows how the Tyson antirape protesters engaged in preliminary trans-formation work that involved diagnosing the conventional wisdom of rape in the Black community which was the basis of an extensive antirape educational program:We diagnosed the problem as a misunderstanding of the seriousness of rape in the African-American community. This problem is due to an oversimplified analysis of oppression (racism as primary), the acceptance of rape myths, and other forms of sexism that silence rape survivors (White, 1999, p. 85).In contrast to a broad assessment of rape myths in the African American community reified by mainstream racial justice leaders defending a well-known Black male celebrity such as Tyson, the Dunbar Village protesters framed their early efforts in terms of the lack of response to a far lesser known Black-on-Black rape case by national racial justice organizations. Indeed, for approximately 9 months between the arrests of the Dunbar Village rapists in June of 2007 and NAN and the NAACP’s first involvement in the case in March of 2008, What About Our Daughters (WAOD) and a growing online network of Black women conducted an aggressive Dunbar Village awareness campaign focused on the plight of the Black female victim and her son (see Appendix A for a detailed timeline of events). The online network compiled thousands of e-mail addresses, sent letters and made phone calls to other Black activist organizations and mainstream news outlets across the United States.In contrast to the Tyson protesters who engaged in a more deliberate negotiation process that focused on using the notoriety of the Tyson case to build a broad based community antirape coalition, the Dunbar Village protesters focused almost exclu-sively on the details of the crime and the lack of response on behalf of mainstream racial justice organizations. The initial failure of NAN and the NAACP to respond to the Dunbar Village case resulted in aggressive online challenges such as a blog entry by McCauley that included a “League of the Immorally Indifferent” that had Reverend Sharpton at the top of the list (McCauley, 2008a). These kinds of counter-claims were extremely important for keeping the issues alive and for framing their challenge to NAN and the NAACP’s eventual involvement in the case.Despite the growing concern among Black women as to how NAN and the NAACP would eventually respond, WAOD reached out to these national organiza-tions. WAOD owner McCauley contacted the NAACP about providing financial assistance to the victims of the Dunbar Village case. In a blog entry titled, “NAACP Contacts WAOD—National Office Won’t Be Speaking Out on Dunbar Village—Addressing Hate Crimes Against Black Women Not ‘Mission,’” McCauley recounts her reactions to learning the NAACP’s policy on Black-on-Black crime in a phone conversation with a representative from the organization’s national office in Baltimore:

Rapp et al. 251NAACP does not get involved in Black-on-Black crime at the national level because it is not the result of racism—the local Florida branch will be going to West Palm Beach on Monday . . . So it looks like we know which side they are on in the War on Black Women. The answer is NOT OURS! That is very good to know (McCauley, 2007a).The responses to McCauley’s post are useful in that they show how aggressive consciousness raising tactics around the Dunbar Village case were well underway and continued to engage dozens of concerned Black women online. Many res ponders to this post thanked McCauley for shedding light on the case and NAACP’s national policy. However, it was an incendiary response to the above blog entry by an antagonistic, self-described Black male who referred to the members of the WAOD community as a “front for lesbians and Black men haters; emotionally unbalanced at best and traitors at worst” (McCauley, 2007a) that inspired the most heated replies:BRING IT! This train is moving on, you either get on board or step aside because if you get in the way you will be plowed over. The days of Black women apolo-gizing for engaging in self defense are over! If that threatens you, then YOU have a problem not us (McCauley, 2007a).Homophobic epitaphs are used to silence and discredit behaviors and actions that do not align with appropriate definitions of gender and race (Nagel, 2003; Pascoe, 2007). The Black male antifeminist quoted above is drawing on the historical discourse that Black women are expected to remain silent about abuse and violence perpetrated by Black men in an effort to protect men from institutional racism. However, Black women, through the Internet, are challenging the idea that Black women must choose their race over their own protection from gendered violence (Crenshaw, 1991; McNair & Neville, 1996; Potter, 2006; Richie, 1996). Through such resistance, the protesters are refusing to be dismissed.“Stop Al Sharpton and the NAACP”: Black Women Take to the WebPerhaps the proverbial straw that broke the camel’s back was a letter obtained by McCauley (2008c) that detailed the rationale for why the NAACP participated in the protest along with Sharpton and NAN. Apparently the letter first sent by Maude Ford Lee, the President of the West Palm Beach Branch of the NAACP to Beverly Neal, the Director of the Florida State Conference of the NAACP, quoted from a policy state-ment of the national NAACP:The West Palm Beach Branch’s participation in this call for fair and just treat-ment of Blacks is based on the NAACP’s Criminal Justice Goals—Targeted

252 Feminist Criminology 5(3)Areas which call for “Ensuring fair and equitable trials and sentences . . . Equity in arrest, interrogation, pre-sentencing, jury selection, discovery, trial, and appeal phases.”6On March 28, 2008, 6 days after NAN and the NAACP’s protest at Dunbar Village, a “viral e-mail”7 entitled “Stop Al Sharpton and the NAACP from Endangering Black Women” was reported by McCauley (2008c) on WAOD. As a result, the offices of NAN and the national and Florida chapters of the NAACP received thousands of angry phone calls and e-mails. The initial response to NAN and the NAACP’s protest in defense of what became known as the “Dunbar 4”8 was one of outrage. WAOD proprietor, Gina McCauley, and the online coalition of Black feminist bloggers waited approximately 1 week before releasing their first official response.Having assembled a formidable list of contacts across the country from prior pro-tests that gained national attention,9 McCauley arranged for the first blog entry to be posted by a well-known syndicated Black female journalist, Tonyaa Weathersbee of www.BlackAmericaWeb.com. BlackAmericaWeb.com is a popular site whose founder Tom Joyner’s morning drive show “is heard by more than 8 million people in more than 115 markets.”10 Weathersbee’s post “Why Would Al Sharpton Come to the Aid of the Teens in Florida’s Notorious Project Rape Case?” elicited a clear response to what responders viewed as the callously indifferent actions of Sharpton and the NAACP:I hate that Sharpton allowed himself to be drawn into hairsplitting over this kind of heinousness. Most of all, I hate the message that this sends to Black women. Black women make up a majority of rape victims. And scores of Black women are silent about rape because of the kind of thing that Sharpton did. They believe they won’t be listened to; that no one will care. Sharpton bills himself as a spokesman for the voiceless. Too bad this time he decided to lend his voice to the ones who needed it the least—and guaranteed that more raped Black women will continue to suffer in silence (Weathersbee, 2008).On the same day, McCauley (2008c) also posted her own “Open letter regarding NAACP, Sharpton, and Dunbar Village atrocity” on WAOD. In addition to echoing Weathersbee’s profound anger and disappointment with the response of the Reverend Al Sharpton and the NAACP, McCauley also called attention to the context and the need for action:We want both the NAACP and the National Action Network to cease downgrad-ing the gang rape/torture/atrocity of the Dunbar Village by comparing it to an unrelated gang rape, in which guns, maiming, and forced incest were not involved. We want to see genuine victim advocacy in the form of financial support for the relocation, medical expenses, and mental therapy for the true victims in this case (McCauley, 2008c).

Rapp et al. 253The efforts of the Dunbar protesters quickly drew attention and responses from national organizations. Just over a week after the viral e-mail campaign started, Tonyaa Weathersbee and another Black feminist blogger, Arlene Fenton11, were invited onto the nationally syndicated radio program, “The Al Sharpton Show.” On the air, Sharpton agreed to retract his initial statement and agreed that the decision to revoke bail in the Dunbar Village case was just. In a remarkable turnaround, indeed in less than a month after taking the side of the “Dunbar 4,” he retracted his original defense and offered a statement in full support of the victims. He candidly admitted on air, “If the suspects were White, I would have been there sooner.” As evidence of the obvious impact of the protests was a formal apology offered by the Adora Obi Nweze, president of the Florida State Conference NAACP:The branch of the NAACP has and will always be concerned about the victims. We have and continue to this day apologize for any statement that we make that led anyone to think that we were not concerned about the victims and for that we offer a deep apology (Burdi & Othn, 2008, p. A1).The Dunbar Village protest focused on the specific public objective of gaining the NAACP and Sharpton’s support. This goal was easier to obtain once the Internet was flooded with the viral e-mail and Weathersbee post. The protesters learned what they suspected all along: If the Dunbar Village rapists had been White then Sharpton would have taken up the victim’s cause from the outset. However, because the offense involved a Black-on-Black offense where juvenile suspects were denied bail, it was only useful to Sharpton and NAN in the context of protesting the Boca Raton rape case involving a White-on-White case where all suspects received bail. Nevertheless, it appears that the protest provided a national figure in the contemporary racial justice movement with insight into the widespread concerns of women of color. At least in this instance, it is clear that both the NAACP and Sharpton recognized the problem of violence against women of color as one that must be taken seriously by racial justice activists, irrespective of the offender’s race.Solidarity among the Dunbar Village ProtestersIn wake of the apology, the Dunbar Village protesters seemed emboldened. In a recap of the protest, McCauley (2008c) argued that the growing presence of Black women online reveals the diminishing influence of Al Sharpton and other civil rights elites on the Black vote, unless the rights of Black women are given more serious attention. Indeed, many bloggers posted links to this post on their sites.12 Other bloggers such as “Symphony,” a Black woman who self-identifies as living near Dunbar Village, posted on her blog “Don’t Believe the Lies: Al Sharpton’s Backpedal.” Her message was directed at both racial jus-tice and Black political elites that she saw as neglecting the experiences of Black women:You can dismiss bloggers as inaccurate and unreliable. However, that, sir, will be to your detriment. But bloggers specifically and grassroots activists in

254 Feminist Criminology 5(3)general are the coattails you ride into town on . . . . Let this be

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