Beyond what the United Nations has declared about human rights, in this section we’ll be inquiring further into the theory, nature and practice of human rights, which unfortunat
humanities discussion question
Beyond what the United Nations has declared about human rights, in this section we’ll be inquiring further into the theory, nature and practice of human rights, which unfortunately has often meant understanding the many ways in which human rights have been violated. But what are the moral and political groundings of human rights? Hannah Arendt famously declared in The Origins of Totalitarianism that a right to have rights exists only within the framework of citizenship in a nation-state. Was Arendt correct in pointing to this limit? Can the demand for human rights be meaningful to stateless people? And what does a social movement mean when it invokes or supports a demand for human rights?
Each week, there will This discussion should focus on the readings from Module 3
By critically engaging question? I mean the type of question that provides some preface, context or framing to the inquiry. Imagine that you are constructing a question for an upper-division undergrad essay exam. Think about what information youd need to provide us about the reading(s) so that we can fully understand the context in which youre asking the question. question and post should be at least 350-words in length.
While I expect our conversations to extend beyond the readings themselves to explore historical and contemporary issues, posts should first be situated in relation to the readings and demonstrate your attempt to engage directly with their positions, which includes providing in-text APA citations to all references.
By the end of this module, students will be able to:
Critically engage with the theories and practices of human rights
Understand the relationship between citizenship and the demand for human rights
Describe the various ways in which people have attempted to extend justice to as many people as possible in soci
Requirements: 350 words
58|judgmentsacrosscultures,politicalregimes,anddiverseideologies.YetArendt?scritiqueoftheideaofrightsasnaturalpossessionshowstheideaofrightsuniversalismtobeadangerousmyth:amyththatemboldensahomog-enizing,imperialpoliticsand,insodoing,allowsusignoretherealityofrightlessnessinfavorofcomforting,ifillusory,moralcertitude.However,Arendt?scritiquedoesnot,asGiindogdunotes,simplyreplacethemoralcertitudeofnaturalpos-sessionwithrightsnihilism.?*Rather,Ihavetriedtoshowthathercritiqueofrightsaspossessionsopensontoanalternativeconceptionofwhatitmeans?tohave?rights:namely,tostage,organize,andcreateapoliticalworldwhererightscanbeclaimedbyeveryone.Thispoliticsisnotuniversalist,becauseitdoesnotpresumethatthereissomethinginsideallofusthatisthesame,orthatshouldbethesame,andwhichwarrantsmakingthesamemoral|claimsinallsituations.Instead,asArendt?sphrasingofthe?righttohaverights?indicates,thisalternativecon-ceptionofrightsgesturestowardopen-endedfuturity:towardtheongoingcalltocreateaworldwhereallhumanbeings(andmaybemorethanhumanbeings)can,iftheylikeorneedto,legitimatelydemandandclaimThisalternativeorientationtorightspoliticsdoesnotmeanthatweshoulddenounceallrightsclaimsstyledintheformofnaturalpossession,butperhapsbegintohearthemdifferently,andasissuingadifferentkindofcall:notasclaimsthatindividualsalreadypossessrightsand?aredemandingrecognition,butinstead.asdemandsthatallof;usworktosustainandcreateafuture?whereeveryonecanbeheardandtreatedasequalrights-claimers.- richthinker?oftenimplicatestherest?Chapter3…Rights…SamuelMoynthelastwordinthephrase?therighttohaverights,?theemphasismovesfromthesingulartotheplural,frompre-conditiontofulfillment,andfrombasicinclusiontorobustcitizenship.?InHannahArendt?sfamousphrase,thepointisoftenandrightlytakentobetheneedforthresholdincorporationinthecommunityoffellowcitizensthatsavesmerehumanbeingsfrombeing?barelife.YetthelastwordofherphraseindicateshowcommittedArendtwastothepluralization,fulfillment,andexpansionofceizenship.Shecouldhavecalledherbasicrighttheright0beacitizen,oratleastamember,ofapoliticalcommunity.Butshedidnot?shecalledittherighttohave?ighalStill,weshouldbeware.Intherestofheratheory,Arendtwasaversetooffering@fina?acitizenshipintermsofrights.Equallyfamewsthenotoriously?sheexcludedthesocialquesonacerbicconcernsofpolitics,thusensuringthatshewhercriticofthesocialwelfareprojectsthatvenasingletime.Partofmyproposalhere,chatofanywordinaparticularbookofArenttheeam:
Inourday,wemustrecoverArendt?stheoryofthefpreconditionsininclusionarycitizenshipthatmakeanyrightspossible.Buttodosowithoutremarkingonboth[herenthusiasmforandskepticismofimaginingrobustcitizenshipintermsofrightswouldbetofailtotakethemeasureofherthought.AsleadinglegaltheoristFrankMichelmanobserves,incoiningthenotionofa?righttohaverights,?Arendtwasmakingakindoftranscendentalargument?atleastonpainofavoidingthechargeoflogicalcircularity.Shewasinvestigatingtheconditionsforholdingotherrights,andthemainconditionwasananterior,abstractrighttomembership.Butwhatwasdistinctiveaboutherviewwasnotonlythefocusonpoliticalinclusionasa-con-ditionfortheenjoymentofrights,buttherelationshipbetweenitandthenecessityforcollectiveagencyintheconstructionofacommonworld.?ThatArendtframedthispreconditionofpoliticalincla?|sionasarightmayhavebeenincidental?anartifactof.deferencetohersubjectmatteratthetime?especiallysincepartofherpointwasthatitwasnowheregoingtobeguar-anteedintheforeseeableworldorder,andindeedthisfactwasgoingtomakeprojectsliketheUniversalDeclarationofHumanRightsshortsightedexceptasasetofpleasantnormativeassertions.Therewasnouse,Arendtthought,inlistingelaborateentitlementsforhumanswholackedcitizenshipitself,andtodosowassomethinglikeofferingadetailedinventoryofthecoursesofalengthymealinthepresenceofthestarving.Ihavenoreasontobelievesheeverchangedhermidaboutthis,andthereisnotasinglereferencetotheUniversalDeclarationintherestofherwritingsinthethreedecadesshelivedafteritspassage.. …Rights…|61Indeed,thefactthatArendtadoptedtheveryrhetoricofthe?righttohaverights?nowhereelseinhercorpusstronglysuggeststhatsheputnorealstockindenom-inatingpoliticalinclusionas.aright.Theessayon?theperplexitiesoftherightsofman?thatfeaturesthenotiondoesbearthetitle?EsgibtnureineinzigesMenschenrecht?inGermantranslation??thereisonlyonesolehumanright.?ButarchivalmaterialsclearlysuggestthatthistitlewaschosenbyArendt?sfriendDolfSternbergertomakeitmore?energetic.?(SternbergereditedDieWandlungwherethepieceInalaterpassagefromEich-manninJerusalemsometimestakentosuggestArendt?sgrowingenthusiasmforglobalinstitutions,internationallaw,andhumanrights,thetruthisthatshedidnotaccordpeoplewithsurvivalarighttosurvive;andamongthereasonsthatAdolfEichmannwasguilty.wasbecauseofhisattempttoforge?arighttodeterminewhoshouldandwhoshouldnotinhabitthisworld.?*Granted,thefactthatArendtoptednottonametheimportanceofthehumanstatusasaright,likeherchoicetoimagineNationalSocialistspursuingtheirhatredasifitwereone,ishardlystrongevidenceofdeeptheoreticalconnbyitself.Buttherhetoricalconfigurationfiswiththerestofherpoliticalapproach.Itsuggests3siirethelanguageofrightsofthelatersteffectresponded:ifhumanrightsmatter,itisonlybecauseofthemostimportantone,whichcomesfirst.Andthereeptualizedisnootherevidencethatshegenerallyconcep?wsveyaSthatpoliticalinclusion,oreveninclusioninhumanity,aThatiswhyitismuchmoreinterestingtotookthefirstwordofArendt?scelebratedphraseto,oh
beforeGodasChristians.Inotherwords,andemancipatedsociety,62|Washeruseoftheplural(rights)morerevealing?TheonlywayitcouldbeisbyreckoningwiththepowerfulevidenceagainstthepropositionthatArendt?scommit-menttoavisionofpoliticallifeas?actinginconcert?couldtaketheformofrightspolitics.Sheisnotmakingthecaseinherfamousphrasethatweshouldseektheful-fillmentofconditionsofmembershipsothatrightswouldaccrue?certainlynotinanysimpleway.InTheOriginsofTotalitarianism,Arendthadshownthatshethoughtaboutthepoliticsofrightspreciselyinthecontextofasecularizingtransition.HeraccountinOnRevolutioncandidlyacknowledgestherolethatreligiousappealsplayedinthediscourseoftheAmericanfounding,asifshewerewillingtoconcedeCarlSchmitt?spresen-tationofAmericaashonestlyadvertisingitspoliticsasdivineinorigin.AsSchmittcontendedinPoliticalTheol-ogy,thegreatnessofAmerica?sfoundingwasthatitneverdisguisedthereligioustemplatein.God?ssovereigntyforpopularInArendt?searlierbook,TheOriginsofTotalitarianism,shesuggestedthatthemodernattempttoStatemoralnormsindependentofreligiousmetaphysicsraisedanimplicationofwhichpartisansofrightswere?onlyhalfaware.??Theproclamationof[such]rights,?Arendtobserved,wasalsomeanttobeamuch-neededprotectionin?thenewerawhereindividualswerenolongersecureintheestatestowhichtheywerebornorsureoftheirequality*inthenewmenwerenolongersureofthesesocialandhumanrightswhichuntilthenhadbeenoutsidethepoliticalorderandguaranteednotbygovernmentandconstitution,butbysocial,spiritual,andreligiousforces,? …Rights…|63Alreadythere,then,Arendtthoughtaboutrightsasasecularizingattempttomakeupforafunctionprevi-ouslyfulfilledbyreligiouscivilization.ByOnRevolution,ArendtsawrightstalkasthemajormeansbywhichAmericans,havinginheritedwhatshecalled?theproblemoftheabsolute?fromreligionandtheneedforauthoritythatreligionwastheclassicwaytosustain,maderightstheirmajorconcessiontoreligion.AcrosstheAtlantic,MaximilienRobespierre?slatercultofthesupremebeingseemedmuchlesscomical,shewrote,whenonekeptinmindthattheAmericanswerejustasopenabout?the.needforadivineprinciple,forsometranscendentsanc-ioninthepoliticalrealm.?*wereforthisneed,Arendtcontends,isthatAmer-icalikeEuropeinheritedfromChristianitynotjustreligiousbackgroundbutalsoatransformationinthecon-ceptoflawfulness.Itmadelaw?sauthoritydependentonitssource:monotheismutterlytransformedthenotionoflaw-fulnessinbetweenclassicalandmoderntimesandmadeacommandmodelinescapable.Positivistictheoriesoftaw?whichArendtsaysactuallycovernaturallawtheoriesthatareunfailinglyrootedinsomedivinesourceeveninthemostdeisticarticulations?areopenorcovertlyreligioustothecore.TheimpossibilityofthinkingoflawexceptbyPositingsomesuprahumansource,howeverantediluvianorcovert,madeitalmostinescapablethatreligionwouldPersist.Thismutationprovidedanotherreasonforinter-PretingAmerica,too,inthebackwashofthelongcenturieswhennosecularrealmexisted,intheOccidentthatwasnotultimatelyrootedin.thesanctia.giventoitbytheChurch,andwhenthereforeslawswereunderstoodasthemundaneexpressionof,?divinelyordainedlaw?
ThegenealogicalentanglementoflawfulnessitselfinreligionmeantthateventheAmericanattempttofoundaneworderhad?toputthelawaboveman,?inJean-JacquesRousseau?swords,foritsderivativelawstobeauthoritative;Rousseau?sconclusionthatilfaudraitdesdieux?onewouldseemtorequiregods?forlawtobelegitimateappliedwithfullforcetotheAmericanscene.”Arendtwasthereforenotsurprisedtofindthat,evenwhentheydidnotexplicitlyoralwaysrefertothedivineoriginoftheirproclaimedabsolutes,Americanappealstoinalienablerightsasaconstraininghigherlawremainedtheologicalorcrypto-theological.Assheputit:therewasnoavoidingtheproblemoftheabsolute?even.thoughnoneofthecountry?sinstitutionsandconstituted:bodiescouldbetracedbacktothefactualdevelopment.:ofabsolutism?becauseitprovedtobeinherentinthe:traditionalconceptoflaw…IftheessenceofsecularJawwasacommand,thenadivinity,notnaturenature?sGod,notreasonbutdivinelyinformedreason,:.wasneededtobestowvalidityonThiswasthetruereasonwhyAmericansbasedtheirrev-olutionontherightstowhich?theLawsofNatureandNature?sGod?(inthecrucialphraseoftheDeclarationofIndependence)entitledallhumanbeings.ItistruethatinArende?sfinalviewrightsweremerelyanecessaryrhetoricmaskingwhatwastrulynovelabouttheAmericanfounding.?Thevery?enlightened?menoftheeighteenthcentury,?shewrote,had?topleadforsomereli-gioussanctionattheverymomentwhentheywereaboutto.emancipatethesecularrealmfullyfromtheinfluenceofthechurchesandtoseparatepoliticandreligiononce|…Rights…|65andforall.?Paradoxically,theearliercolonialpracticeofenteringcovenants?thoughundertakenbyProtestantstypicallymoreovertabouttheirreligiouscommitmentsthanlaterrevolutionaries?modeledthekindof?actinginconcert?thatArendtprizedasamodernrevivalofclas-sicalpolitics.Arendtclearlythoughtthattheirnakedlyorcovertlyreligiousoriginmade?theproclamationofhumanrightsortheguaranteeofcivilrights?simplyunvi-ableas?theaimorcontentofrevolution.?Theydistractedfromitstrueachievements.Rightsmerelypersistedasrhe-toricalnecessity?whatthefoundersneededto?plead?attheveryacmeoftheirsecularambitions,whichtheyactuallyvindicatedthroughtheactivityofenteringcove-nants,notbydeclaringrights.Onheraccount,rightswerethespecificallyAmericanformofpoliticaltheology.TheydidnotprovidethecontentorsubstanceofthepoliticalactionthatArendtherselfprized.?Soifintheexpression?therighttohaverights?Arendtpluralizedthepromisesofcitizenship,shemadeclearthatherultimatepoliticaltheorymarginalizedthesignif-icanceofsuchrightsasthetrueorworthiestaspirationsofpoliticalaction.ForAmericanrevolutionaries,they?ratherplayedtheroleofmaskinginanageofenduringreligion?andevenfromtherevolutionariesthemselves?thetrulyradicalcontentoftheirpoliticalventure.Addedtothisall-importantfactisanother:ArendtsecontroversiallyexcludedfromtheproperconePolitics?thesocial??andthusnotonlythebulkofwhatMost:peoplewouldtaketobethecontentoftarypoliticsbutalsothemostinnovativepartswtaProposedhumanrightsregimeitselfafterWorld:ferofcourse,toeconomicandsocial
66|basicentitlementstoahumaneworkplace;socialassis-tanceforthosetooyoung,old,orillto.work;andtoeducation,health,andhousing.TheconsensualinclusionoftheseeconomicandsocialrightsintheUniversalDec-larationandothercontemporaneousdocumentsreflectedtheacmeofwelfarismacrosstheNorthAtlanticspace.Indeed,thesenewentitlementshadbecomewhatmostcitizens(incapitalistorcommunistlands)seemedtowantoutoftheverycitizenshipthatArendtprized.”Arendt,however,insistedthatthevaluesoflifewereinimicaltocitizenship,asiftheadministrationofbiolog-icalnecessitywerenotthepremiseforbutanobstructiontotheconstructionofpoliticalfreedom.?Society,?shewamed,?istheforminwhichthefactofmutualdepen?denceforthesakeoflifeandnothingelseassumespublicsignificanceandwheretheactivitiesconnectedtomeresurvivalarepermittedtoappearinpublic.?Tohercrit-ics,shedidnottakeupwhetherthewelfarestatewas.anintelligibleresponsetodeprivationandmiserythatobvi-atedpoliticalactionforsomanypeople.ButitismoreinterestinghowArendt?sfearsofwelfaristbureaucratizationandinstrumentalismbroughtherintoproximitytoathen-standardColdWarliberalcritiqueofthesocial-izationofcitizenshipthatbearscentrallyonwhat.thepluralizationofrights(ifshedefendeditatall)couldpossiblyhavemeanttoher.Ifshecalledfornewrights,shecouldnothaveintendedeconomicandsocial-ArendtwaswellawarethatinthemodularboxesofNorthAtlanticcitizenshipspacesandeventuallybeyond,the?premisesofcitizenshipwereradicallyredefinedinthetwentiethcenturyinawelfaristdirection.Indeed,theUniversalDeclarationitselfsaysthatitisa?highstan-dardofachievementforallpeoplesandnations,?andhadAERReEETE…Rights…|67Arendtevermentioneditshewouldhavehadtoreckonwiththefactthatitsmainnoveltywastobeatemplateormodelforthesocializationofcitizenship,notfortheinternationalizationofrightsthedocumentbarelyprom-isedandreallydidnotanticipate.WhenArendtdiedin1976,theworldstoodonthebrinkofandunanticipatedinternationalizationofrights,aspromisesgenerallyrestrictedtovarioushomelandsbecameaglobalproject,evenifinitiallythesocialrightsthathadoncebeencentralwentmissingintheprocess.AmnestyInter-nationalfoundedmodernhumanrightsactivismandwontheNobelPeacePrizeforittheyearafterArendtdied?butfordecadesitfocusednarrowlyonpoliticalandcivilliberties.Itepitomizedabroaderinternationalrightsmovementthatforyearswasuninterestedineconomicandsocialentitlements?thoughtheywereafullhalfoftheentitlementsintheUniversalDeclarationthatactivismtreatedasitstouchstonedocument.Infact,oneofthemostfascinatingaspectsofthereceptionofthesnippetsofTheOriginsofTotalitarianismthatmentionthe.righttohaverights?whichwentignoredfordecades,asearlypolemicsaroundthebookshow?ishowbothoutofstepand:premonitoryArendtwas.Herpassagesonthetight.tohaverights?werewrittenasacritiqueofinter-nationalizingrightswhenmostpeoplemerelywantedtosocializethem,andnoonepaidattention.Inourtime,theyhavebeenreceivedinaradicallydifferentcontext.lotofpeoplehopetointernationalizerights?except:attheirprojecthasgainedtractioninaneraofthecri.socialnets>AsfarasIcantell,Arendtnevermentionedeconomicand.socialrightsasacategory,whetherintheiconSalDeclaration.oranywhereelse.ButherCald
liberal(orconservativeliberal)critiqueoftheFrenchRevolution?sfocusonthesocialquestion?aspartofwhichsocialrightstopublicreliefandstateeducationfirstappearedinhistory?leaveslittledoubtwhatshewouldhavesaidaboutthem.Afterall,thefirstrecordedcanonizationofeconomicrights,entitlementstopublicreliefandeducation,occurintheJacobinDeclarationoftheRightsofManandCitizenof1793,whichinaugu-rateda?terrorist?politicsaboutwhichArendtcouldnothavebeenmorewithering.AlongwithFriedrichHayek,LeoStrauss,JacobTalmon,andothers,Arendtsharedaverywidespreadcritiqueoftheinevitablytutelaryifnottotalitariannatureofanystateerectedtoministertotheneedsofpopulations,orevenjusttorespondtostructuralmisery:thestatewouldhavetobecomebigandinvasivetoundertakeitstasks.Furthermore,insofarasJacobinpoliticswentbeyondtheidealofsufficiencytoaimatdis-tributiveequality(asitcertainlydid),givingpeoplenotmerelyenoughtosurvivebutputtingcitizensonparwithoneanother,Arendtwouldhaveredoubledherscorn.Shedreamedofapoliticsofequals,butitwasanequalityofspeakersratherthanoneofincomeorLikeherColdWarcontemporaries,Arendtwasfearfulthatrightswouldserveasrecipesforhedonismorevenconsumer-ism,drivingcitizensintoprivatequestsforsatisfaction,andlikeStraussandTalmonobservedthatJean-JacquesRousseauhadpointedaheadtobalefultwentieth-centurywelfaristdevelopments.?Carriedawaybytheideaoftherightsofman,?Talmonwroteinhiskindredcritiqueoftotalitariandemocracy,?andexasperatedbyfamineandshortage;themassesconfusedlyandpassionatelyclam-oredthattheRevolutionshouldcarryoutitspromises,thatistosay,shouldmakethemhappy?Andofcourse,he~|…Rights…1.69hadinmindprimarilyeconomicrights,aswellasFrenchRevolutionarycommunistGracchusBabeuf?sfurtherdemandforegalitariandistribution,andthethreattheyposedtoprivatepropertyandfreeArendt?sclassicworksmakeveryclearthatshesharedinthisColdWarcritiqueof?happiness?withwhichsheandothersassociateddemandsforsocioeconomicwel-fare.InTheHumanCondition,happinessasanidealfindsitselfindictedforestablishingthegoalsofavoidingpaininutilitarianethicsandforallowingtheenthronementof?self-interest?asthehighestimaginablegood.?InOnRevolution,Arendtconnectedhappinessdirectlytothemistakenlureofrightswhenshediscussedtheinstabil-ityoftheconceptofhappiness,includingforThomasJeffersoninauthoringtheAmericanDeclarationofInde-pendence.AccordingtoArendt,Jeffersonmistakenly?madeitspursuitoneoftheinalienablerightsofman.Jefferson?sdocumentmayhaveretainedafadingconnec-tiontothemeaningof?publichappiness?understoodaspoliticalaction,shecontinues,acknowledgingthatthenotionneednothavetheprivatizingconsequencessheandothersfeared.Butitsfate,sheconcluded,wastoopenthewaytoendlessprogramsof?privatewelfare.?Afterall,apeoplethatfailstobehappymayneedatutelarystatetomakeitsothroughsocialprograms.AsaresultofJefferson?sequivocation,?thequestionofwhetherpeend:ofgovernmentwastobeprosperityorfreedomneverbeensettled.?Anationaimedatwell-beingdoesnotneedto.beafreeone,sheworried,whileafreeone:doesnotnecessarilyincludewelfareorwealth.AndtheFrenchterrorthatresultedsoquicklydemonstratedthattheInsof?happiness?couldeasilyoverwhelmthe?freedom??Assheclaims:-os
701abundanceandendlessconsumptionaretheidealsofthepoor…Andwhileitistruethatfreedomcanonlycometothosewhoseneedshavebeenfulfilled,itisequally.truethatitwillescapethosewhoarebentonlivingfortheirdesires.2?TheFrenchRevolution?slegacyinpluralizingrightsthatreacheditsacmeinthewelfaristprovisions-oftheUni-versalDeclarationthusdonotseemtheplacetolookforwhatArendtmighthavevaluedintherightsthat?therighttohaverights?makepossible.AftertheColdWarended,humanrightsadvocacybelatedlyreturnedtotheagendaofeconomicrights,nowatatransnationalscale?evenasthewelfarestateArendttreatedsocausticallyhaslostitsone-timeappealandbeenerodedbyneoliberalsfromwithinand:?globalization?fromwithout.IfArendt.wasskepticalaboutinternationalizingrights,shewouldhavebeen:doublyscornfuloftheinternationalizationofeconomicrights,foritwouldhavesignaledtohertheriseofthesocialtriumphantonnewplanes.Indeed,Arendt?scritiqueoftheinternationalizationofrightstodaycouldcombinewithherhatredofthesocialquestioninwaysshecouldnothaveanticipatedherselfandthusneverattempted.##TheconsensusafterWorldWarIIaroundsocioeconomicrightsdomestically,anditssurgeinourtimeasa.matterofapplicablenormsinternationally,amplifiesthestrongimpressionthatifthepluralizationofrightsmeantthechampionshipofsuchvalues,Arendtwouldhavediatedit.onYetthefactremainsthatshepluralizedtheendofherphrase,text:retairis.-Rights…171meaningbeyondherwitheringtreatmentofrightsasmarkingincompletesecularizationandexcessivesocial-ization.Iwouldliketoconcludebyreflectingonwhetherthereisanywaytojustifyourfocuson?therighttohaverights?atallwithintheboundariesofArendt?sownthink-ing.ForithasemergedthatArendt?sframingoftherighttohaverightsasarightwaslikelyanincidentalartifactofherpresumedaudienceintherelevantpartofhertext.Further,herframingofthefactthatyougetrightsfromthatpriorrightlookslikeitmighthavebeenunimportanttoo,orevenatcrosspurposeswithothertendenciesinheroutlook.Orifitwasnot,thenitcamesoheavilyfreightedwithqualificationsandobjectionsthattheoverallphrase?seemslikeliertoconfuseordistract.Butistheresome-thingelsethatitclarifiesanddefinesinthebalance?Arendtwasaproponentof?plurality.?Famously,itwaswhatpoliticsthatdeservedthenamebothpresupposedandproduced.?Andshewasanadvocateofnecessarilypluralisticactionthatcommonlytooktheformofmem-orablespeech.Finally,sheenteredtheprovisothat.thepluralisticactionsheprizedwouldnottaketheformofviolentcontest,evenifitwastobe?agonistic?ortatory.AllthreefeaturesofArendtianpolitics,harnottosee,harmonizewithmanyoftheimpulsesthathave.drivenhumanrightspoliticsinitsvariousphases.Arendt:mayhavehadvarioustheoreticalreasonstorejectthereformulationofherpoliticalvisionintermsofrights,andcertainlyshedidnotfixateonthesorts8institutionalizationthathavecometobeprizedmorerecently:writtenconstitutions,judicialreview,informa:tionalpolitics(?namingandshaming?),interna?treaties,regionalgovernance(especiallyifEuropeanandTo.imagineArendtjustifyingsuchsort-term
a721mobilizationalandpolicypreferencesissodifficultthatdoingsofunctionsmoretorevealtheircontingentandrecentappealasthesolutions?nottosayfixations?oflaterobservers.OnRevolutionlaudsconstitutionsasactsconstitutingfreedom,notlayingthepathtowardjudicialcontrolofdemocracy.__Butthisdoesnotmeanthatthereisnotsubstantialoverlapwiththedeepermotivationforthecontemporarypoliticsofhumanrights.ToimagineArendtjustifyingthemcommitstoomanyintellectualfallacieseventobegin.Butthisshouldnotimplythatsomedaytheproj-ectofcreatinganinstitutionalframeworkforpluralisticandnonviolentspeechandactioncouldorshould-neverrelyontechniquesofgovernancenowindeliblyasso-ciatedwithhumanrights.Thatitispossibleto:offer.avisionof?republicanhumanrights?thatfocusesontheimportanceofinstitutionalizingtheabstract,ofcourse,doesnotmeanArendteverdidsoherself.ButitwouldseemtobetheforminwhichanArendtiancouldendorsesomethinglikerightspolitics,whateverArendt?sownItisforthesereasonsthat?inspiteoftheirfunctionasreligiouspropsfromaformerageandtheirbalefulsocial-izationthatshewitnessed?thereisreasontosuspectthatArendtwasinterestednotjustintherightofpriorinclu-sionbutinthepluralizedrightswithwhichher.phraseconcludes.Butthiswasnot’asamatterofthenormativetruthofthevaluesalonglistofrightsnamed.Rather,itseemsworthseekingelsewhere,atthelevelofinstitutionalschemesfortheprotectionofpluralitythatrightsregimesnationallyandinternationallyhavebeenone(thoughcertainlynotthesole)wayofpursuing.Oratleast,thegovernancetechniquesneededfortheprotectionof …Rights…|73andspeech?neededalsotokeepbothnonviolent?couldbeonesthatansweredtoArendt?scallforarevivalofpoliticalaction,evenifhercallskirtedtheformallan-guageofrights.?Interestingly,ifanyofthisiscorrectitwouldpre-ciselynotbetheinternationalaspectofcontemporaryrightspolitics,buttheirhaltingattemptsatinstitutionalexperimentalism,thatmightbestcoincidewithArendt?sYetitwouldalsofollowthatthosewhowantanArendtianaccountofrightswouldhavetofocusoninsti-tutionalconcernsaboutthekindsofpoliticalstructuresthatallowforaction;correspondingly,theywouldhavetoavoiddogmasabouthowtoproceedindesigningexperi-mentalstructuresforfreedom,especiallyifoneapproachdoesn?tseemtowork.Apoliticsofeconomicandsocialrights,reclaimedfromthecynicalColdWarcritiqueofhedonismtostressinstitutionalpreconditionsforaction(whichclearlydoesrequiresubsistence,justasArendtgrudginglyacknowledged),mightalsofollow.Itissafesttoconcludethatthereisnotmuchoflast-ingsignificanceinArendt?sphrase?righttohaverights,forallitsresonance.ItdidnotendureinArendt?sownwriting,andranafoulofmanyofthestricturesshelaiddownagainstthevalueofrightstalk.Allthesame,ifthephrasepointstowardtheneedforinsti-tutionalpoliticsofaction,itmayhavesomeenduring-
58|judgmentsacrosscultures,politicalregimes,anddiverseideologies.YetArendt?scritiqueoftheideaofrightsasnaturalpossessionshowstheideaofrightsuniversalismtobeadangerousmyth:amyththatemboldensahomog-enizing,imperialpoliticsand,insodoing,allowsusignoretherealityofrightlessnessinfavorofcomforting,ifillusory,moralcertitude.However,Arendt?scritiquedoesnot,asGiindogdunotes,simplyreplacethemoralcertitudeofnaturalpos-sessionwithrightsnihilism.?*Rather,Ihavetriedtoshowthathercritiqueofrightsaspossessionsopensontoanalternativeconceptionofwhatitmeans?tohave?rights:namely,tostage,organize,andcreateapoliticalworldwhererightscanbeclaimedbyeveryone.Thispoliticsisnotuniversalist,becauseitdoesnotpresumethatthereissomethinginsideallofusthatisthesame,orthatshouldbethesame,andwhichwarrantsmakingthesamemoral|claimsinallsituations.Instead,asArendt?sphrasingofthe?righttohaverights?indicates,thisalternativecon-ceptionofrightsgesturestowardopen-endedfuturity:towardtheongoingcalltocreateaworldwhereallhumanbeings(andmaybemorethanhumanbeings)can,iftheylikeorneedto,legitimatelydemandandclaimThisalternativeorientationtorightspoliticsdoesnotmeanthatweshoulddenounceallrightsclaimsstyledintheformofnaturalpossession,butperhapsbegintohearthemdifferently,andasissuingadifferentkindofcall:notasclaimsthatindividualsalreadypossessrightsand?aredemandingrecognition,butinstead.asdemandsthatallof;usworktosustainandcreateafuture?whereeveryonecanbeheardandtreatedasequalrights-claimers.- richthinker?oftenimplicatestherest?Chapter3…Rights…SamuelMoynthelastwordinthephrase?therighttohaverights,?theemphasismovesfromthesingulartotheplural,frompre-conditiontofulfillment,andfrombasicinclusiontorobustcitizenship.?InHannahArendt?sfamousphrase,thepointisoftenandrightlytakentobetheneedforthresholdincorporationinthecommunityoffellowcitizensthatsavesmerehumanbeingsfrombeing?barelife.YetthelastwordofherphraseindicateshowcommittedArendtwastothepluralization,fulfillment,andexpansionofceizenship.Shecouldhavecalledherbasicrighttheright0beacitizen,oratleastamember,ofapoliticalcommunity.Butshedidnot?shecalledittherighttohave?ighalStill,weshouldbeware.Intherestofheratheory,Arendtwasaversetooffering@fina?acitizenshipintermsofrights.Equallyfamewsthenotoriously?sheexcludedthesocialquesonacerbicconcernsofpolitics,thusensuringthatshewhercriticofthesocialwelfareprojectsthatvenasingletime.Partofmyproposalhere,chatofanywordinaparticularbookofArenttheeam:
Inourday,wemustrecoverArendt?stheoryofthefpreconditionsininclusionarycitizenshipthatmakeanyrightspossible.Buttodosowithoutremarkingonboth[herenthusiasmforandskepticismofimaginingrobustcitizenshipintermsofrightswouldbetofailtotakethemeasureofherthought.AsleadinglegaltheoristFrankMichelmanobserves,incoiningthenotionofa?righttohaverights,?Arendtwasmakingakindoftranscendentalargument?atleastonpainofavoidingthechargeoflogicalcircularity.Shewasinvestigatingtheconditionsforholdingotherrights,andthemainconditionwasananterior,abstractrighttomembership.Butwhatwasdistinctiveaboutherviewwasnotonlythefocusonpoliticalinclusionasa-con-ditionfortheenjoymentofrights,buttherelationshipbetweenitandthenecessityforcollectiveagencyintheconstructionofacommonworld.?ThatArendtframedthispreconditionofpoliticalincla?|sionasarightmayhavebeenincidental?anartifactof.deferencetohersubjectmatteratthetime?especiallysincepartofherpointwasthatitwasnowheregoingtobeguar-anteedintheforeseeableworldorder,andindeedthisfactwasgoingtomakeprojectsliketheUniversalDeclarationofHumanRightsshortsightedexceptasasetofpleasantnormativeassertions.Therewasnouse,Arendtthought,inlistingelaborateentitlementsforhumanswholackedcitizenshipitself,andtodosowassomethinglikeofferingadetailedinventoryofthecoursesofalengthymealinthepresenceofthestarving.Ihavenoreasontobelievesheeverchangedhermidaboutthis,andthereisnotasinglereferencetotheUniversalDeclarationintherestofherwritingsinthethreedecadesshelivedafteritspassage.. …Rights…|61Indeed,thefactthatArendtadoptedtheveryrhetoricofthe?righttohaverights?nowhereelseinhercorpusstronglysuggeststhatsheputnorealstockindenom-inatingpoliticalinclusionas.aright.Theessayon?theperplexitiesoftherightsofman?thatfeaturesthenotiondoesbearthetitle?EsgibtnureineinzigesMenschenrecht?inGermantranslation??thereisonlyonesolehumanright.?ButarchivalmaterialsclearlysuggestthatthistitlewaschosenbyArendt?sfriendDolfSternbergertomakeitmore?energetic.?(SternbergereditedDieWandlungwherethepieceInalaterpassagefromEich-manninJerusalemsometimestakentosuggestArendt?sgrowingenthusiasmforglobalinstitutions,internationallaw,andhumanrights,thetruthisthatshedidnotaccordpeoplewithsurvivalarighttosurvive;andamongthereasonsthatAdolfEichmannwasguilty.wasbecauseofhisattempttoforge?arighttodeterminewhoshouldandwhoshouldnotinhabitthisworld.?*Granted,thefactthatArendtoptednottonametheimportanceofthehumanstatusasaright,likeherchoicetoimagineNationalSocialistspursuingtheirhatredasifitwereone,ishardlystrongevidenceofdeeptheoreticalconnbyitself.Buttherhetoricalconfigurationfiswiththerestofherpoliticalapproach.Itsuggests3siirethelanguageofrightsofthelatersteffectresponded:ifhumanrightsmatter,itisonlybecauseofthemostimportantone,whichcomesfirst.Andthereeptualizedisnootherevidencethatshegenerallyconcep?wsveyaSthatpoliticalinclusion,oreveninclusioninhumanity,aThatiswhyitismuchmoreinterestingtotookthefirstwordofArendt?scelebratedphraseto,oh
beforeGodasChristians.Inotherwords,andemancipatedsociety,62|Washeruseoftheplural(rights)morerevealing?TheonlywayitcouldbeisbyreckoningwiththepowerfulevidenceagainstthepropositionthatArendt?scommit-menttoavisionofpoliticallifeas?actinginconcert?couldtaketheformofrightspolitics.Sheisnotmakingthecaseinherfamousphrasethatweshouldseektheful-fillmentofconditionsofmembershipsothatrightswouldaccrue?certainlynotinanysimpleway.InTheOriginsofTotalitarianism,Arendthadshownthatshethoughtaboutthepoliticsofrightspreciselyinthecontextofasecularizingtransition.HeraccountinOnRevolutioncandidlyacknowledgestherolethatreligiousappealsplayedinthediscourseoftheAmericanfounding,asifshewerewillingtoconcedeCarlSchmitt?spresen-tationofAmericaashonestlyadvertisingitspoliticsasdivineinorigin.AsSchmittcontendedinPoliticalTheol-ogy,thegreatnessofAmerica?sfoundingwasthatitneverdisguisedthereligioustemplatein.God?ssovereigntyforpopularInArendt?searlierbook,TheOriginsofTotalitarianism,shesuggestedthatthemodernattempttoStatemoralnormsindependentofreligiousmetaphysicsraisedanimplicationofwhichpartisansofrightswere?onlyhalfaware.??Theproclamationof[such]rights,?Arendtobserved,wasalsomeanttobeamuch-neededprotectionin?thenewerawhereindividualswerenolongersecureintheestatestowhichtheywerebornorsureoftheirequality*inthenewmenwerenolongersureofthesesocialandhumanrightswhichuntilthenhadbeenoutsidethepoliticalorderandguaranteednotbygovernmentandconstitution,butbysocial,spiritual,andreligiousforces,? …Rights…|63Alreadythere,then,Arendtthoughtaboutrightsasasecularizingattempttomakeupforafunctionprevi-ouslyfulfilledbyreligiouscivilization.ByOnRevolution,ArendtsawrightstalkasthemajormeansbywhichAmericans,havinginheritedwhatshecalled?theproblemoftheabsolute?fromreligionandtheneedforauthoritythatreligionwastheclassicwaytosustain,maderightstheirmajorconcessiontoreligion.AcrosstheAtlantic,MaximilienRobespierre?slatercultofthesupremebeingseemedmuchlesscomical,shewrote,whenonekeptinmindthattheAmericanswerejustasopenabout?the.needforadivineprinciple,forsometranscendentsanc-ioninthepoliticalrealm.?*wereforthisneed,Are
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