What was the U.S. trend in the rate of murders from the 1990s until the Covid-19 pandemic? 2. What is the most common category o
USE TEXTBOOK ONLY!!!!!!!!
1. What was the U.S. trend in the rate of murders from the 1990s until the Covid-19 pandemic?
2. What is the most common category of murder in the U.S.? How does it pertain to female victims
and to male victims?
3. What racial group is most at risk for being murdered in the U.S.? What gender is most at risk for
being murdered?
4. What is the worldwide pattern of societal definitions of murder and responses to murder, past
and present (that is, how uniform or diverse have they been)?
5. What is “social capital”? What is its predicted relationship to murder rate, as well as to crime
rate in general?
6. How does the murder rate in the U.S. compare to that of other wealthy nations?
7. Who assaults most female rape victims? Where do such assaults tend to take place?
8. What is the worldwide pattern of societal definitions of rape and responses to rape, past and
present (that is, how uniform or diverse have they been)?
9. Describe the perspective of “rape-prone cultures” and “rape-free cultures.”
10. What is the long-term relationship of changing racial and gender relationships to rape?
11. Describe “rape proclivity” theory and “routine activity” theory?
12. Who tends to be punished when sex work is defined as immoral and/or illegal?
13. What do sex worker advocacy organizations do?
14. What is the estimated cost of white-collar crime versus street-level property crime?
15. What is the typical personality profile of a white-collar criminal, and what is the typical social
background?
16. Why are the harmful actions carried out by privileged business officials often not technically
illegal?
17. Compare the typical level of punishment and stigma of a white-collar criminal to those of a
street-level criminal?
18. What does the historical and cross-cultural example of making loans and charging interest
illustrate regarding the definition of white-collar crime?
19. Why is white-collar crime becoming more difficult to monitor and punish?
20. What is the worldwide pattern of societal definitions of alcohol use and abuse as well as the
worldwide pattern of responses to alcohol use and abuse, past and present (that is, how
uniform or diverse have they been)?
21. What factors gave rise to the American Temperance movement and the Prohibition movement?
22. Describe the “medicalization” perspective and the “social learning” perspective on alcoholism.
23. What is the worldwide pattern of societal definitions of drug use and abuse as well as the
worldwide pattern of responses to drug use and abuse, past and present (that is, how uniform
or diverse have they been)?
24. What is the U.S. historical pattern of drug availability?
DEVIANCE
Social Constructions and Blurred Boundaries
Leon Anderson
U N I V E R S I T Y O F C A L I F O R N I A P R E S S
Deviance
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DEVIANCE
Social Constructions and Blurred Boundaries
Leon Anderson
U N I V E R S I T Y O F C A L I F O R N I A P R E S S
University of California Press, one of the most distinguished university presses in the United States, enriches lives around the world by advancing scholarship in the humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences. Its activities are supported by the UC Press Foundation and by philanthropic contributions from individuals and institutions. For more information, visit www.ucpress.edu.
University of California Press Oakland, California
© 2017 by Leon Anderson
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Anderson, Leon, 1950- author. Title: Deviance : social constructions and blurred boundaries / Leon Anderson. Description: Oakland, California : University of California Press, [2017] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifi ers: lccn 2017003648 (print) | lccn 2017006809 (ebook) | isbn 9780520292376 (pbk. : alk. paper) | isbn 9780520965935
(ebook) Subjects: lcsh: Deviant behavior. | Criminal behavior. | Mental illness. | Social interaction. | Social ethics. Classifi cation: lcc hm811 .a57 2017 (print) | lcc hm811 (ebook) | ddc 302.5/42—dc23 lc record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017003648
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Preface xi
SECTION 1 Theories and Methods in Deviance Studies 1 Chapter 1: Views of Deviance 3
Introduction 4
Blurred Boundaries: The Drama of Deviance 4
Deviance as Demonic 6
Deviance as Psychotic 8
Deviance as Exotic 10
Deviance as Symbolic Interaction: A Sociological Approach 12
Social Acts 13 Focus on Observable Behavior 14 Symbolic Interaction 16
The Sociological Promise 17
Summary 18
Keywords 19
Chapter 2: Getting Close to Deviance 21
Blurred Boundaries I: Getting Close to Deviance 22
Sociology as a Mode of Inquiry 23
Counting Deviants 25 Value of Surveys and Offi cial Statistics 25 Limitations of Offi cial Statistics 26 Counting Rape and Sexual Assault 27 Offi cial Statistics as Organizational Processes 29 Summing Up the Numbers 31
Challenges of Deviance Ethnography 32 Focus of Deviance Ethnography 33 Gaining Access 34 Getting People to Open Up 36 Fieldwork Roles 37 Getting Along in the Field 39 Collecting Data 41
Narrative Analysis 42 Understanding Social Worlds Different from Our Own 43
Getting the Big Picture: Sociohistorical Comparison 45
Blurred Boundaries II: How Close is too Close? 46
Summary 47
Keywords 48
Chapter 3: Positivistic Theories of Deviant Behavior 49
Blurred Boundaries I: Why is Mike in Jail? 50
Introduction to Positivistic Theories 51
Biological Theories of Deviance 53 Lombroso’s Italian School of Positivist Criminology 53 Biological Theories in Twentieth-Century America 54 Critique and Further Directions 55
Social Structural Theories 57 Social Disorganization Theory 57
Critique and Further Directions 59 Anomie Theory 61
Durkheim’s “Anomie” 61 Merton’s “Social Structure and Anomie” 62 Critique and Further Directions 64
Socialization Theories 66 Differential Association Theory 67
Sutherland’s Key Principles 68 Critique and Further Directions 69
Social Learning Theory 70 Critical Evaluation 71
Social Control Theories 71 Social Bond Theory 73 Self-Control Theory 74
Critical Evaluation 75
Blurred Boundaries II: “Infl uences” versus “Causes” 76
Summary 77
Keywords 78
Contents
Chapter 4: Symbolic Interactionist/Social Constructionist Perspective 81
Blurred Boundaries I: Consensus and Confl ict in Constructing Deviants 82
The Roots of Symbolic Interaction: The Social Self 83
Labeling Theory and Social Construction 84
Social Construction of Deviance Categories 87 Resource Mobilization and Deviance Framing 88
Resource Mobilization 88 Deviance Framing 89 Credibility 90
Atrocity Tales 90 Cultural Resonance 91
Initial Rule-Breaking and Primary Deviance 93 Primary versus Secondary Deviance 93 Biography and Effective Environment 94 Techniques of Neutralization 96 The Roles of Others 97 Turning On 97 Limits of Voluntary Choice 97
Processing Deviants 98 Stereotyping and Master Statuses 99 Institutionalizing Deviance 100
Typifi cations and Recipe Knowledge 101
Stigmatization and Resistance 103 Stigmatization and Role Engulfment 104 Stigma Management and Resistance 105
Stigma Management among the Discreditable 106 Stigma Management among the Discredited 106 In-Group Stigma Management 108
Blurred Boundaries II: Framing Surprising Alliances 109
Summary 111
Keywords 111
SECTION 2 High Consensus Criminal Deviance 115 Chapter 5: Murder 117
Blurred Boundaries I: Two Convicted Murderers 118
Current Constructions of Murder in the United States 119
Types of Murder 120 Statistical Snapshot 121
Challenges in Researching Murder 122 Counting Murder 122 Getting Close 123
Cross-Cultural Constructions of Murder 125 Different Defi nitions 125 Different “Causes” 125 Different Responses 127
History of Murder in the United States 128 Early America 129
Whites and Native Americans 129 Whites and Slaves 129 White-on-White Murder 130
Civil War to World War I 130 Post-World War II 132 Landscape of Murder in the New Millennium 133
Social Capital and Homicide 133
Interactional Contexts and Ethnographic Voices 135 Character Contests: Six Stages 136
Stage One: Personal Offense 137 Stage Two: Assessment 137 Stage Three: Retaliation 137 Stage Four: Working Agreement 138 Stage Five: Battle 138 Stage Six: Resolution 138
Contemporary Responses to Murder 139 Punitive Responses 140 Contextual Responses 141
Stigma Management and Resistance 143
Blurred Boundaries II: Is Assisted Suicide Murder? 145
Summary 146
Keywords 147
Chapter 6: Rape 149
Blurred Boundaries I: Two Sexual Assaults 150
Current Constructions of Rape in the United States 152
Types of Rape 152 Statistical Snapshot 153
Challenges in Researching Rape 154 Counting Rape 154 Getting Close 155
Cross-Cultural Constructions of Rape 157 Different Defi nitions 157 Different “Causes” 159 Different Responses 160
History of Rape in the United States 161 Early America 162 Post-Civil War Era 163 Feminist Era: 1960s–Present 164
Rape Proclivity and Routine Activity Theories 165
Interactional Contexts and Ethnographic Voices 167 Stranger Rape 167
Phase One: Preexisting Life Tensions 167
Phase Two: Transformation of Motivation into Action 168 Phase Three: Perpetrator–Victim Confrontation 168 Phase Four: Situation Management 169 Phase Five: Disengagement 169
Party Rape 170
Contemporary Responses to Rape 171 Identifying and Processing Rapists 171 Treatment of Rape in the Courts 172
Stigma Management and Resistance 174
Blurred Boundaries II: What is Too Drunk to Say Yes? 177
Summary 178
Keywords 179
Chapter 7: Financially Motivated Crime in the Streets 181
Blurred Boundaries I: Two Thieves 182
Current Constructions of Street-level Property Crimes in the United States 184
Types of Street-level Property Crime 184 Statistical Snapshot 185
Challenges in Researching Street-level Property Crimes 186
Counting Street-level Property Crime 186 Getting Close 187
Cross-Cultural Constructions of Street-level Property Crime 189
Different Defi nitions 189 Different “Causes” 191 Different Response 192
History of Street-level Property Crimes in the United States 194
Merton’s Social Structure and Anomie 196
Interactional Contexts and Ethnographic Voices 196
Contemporary Responses to Street-level Property Crime 202
Stigma Management and Resistance 205
Blurred Boundaries II: A College Education for Prisoners? 207
Summary 208
Keywords 210
Chapter 8: White-Collar Crime 211
Blurred Boundaries I: Two White-Collar Crimes 212
Current Constructions of White-Collar Crimes in the United States 214
Types of White-Collar Crime 214 Statistical Snapshot 216
Challenges in Researching White-Collar Crime 217 Counting Crime in the Suites 217 Getting Close 219
Cross-Cultural Constructions of White-Collar Crime 220
Different Defi nitions 221 Different “Causes” 222 Different Responses 223
History of White-Collar Crime in the United States 224 Rise of the Robber Barons 225 Progressive Era and Regulatory Control 226 White-Collar Crime in the United States Today 228
Merton’s Social Structure and Anomie 230
Interactional Contexts and Ethnographic Voices 231
Contemporary Responses to White-Collar Crime 234
Stigma Management and Resistance 237
Blurred Boundaries II: Should Michael Milken Get a Presidential Pardon? 239
Summary 240
Keywords 241
SECTION 3 Lifestyle Deviance 243 Chapter 9: Alcohol Abuse 245
Blurred Boundaries I: Two Faces of Problem Drinking 246
Current Constructions of Alcohol Abuse in the United States 247
Types of Alcohol Abusers 247 Statistical Snapshot 248
Challenges in Researching Alcohol Abuse 249 Counting Alcohol Abuse 249 Getting Close 250
Cross-Cultural Constructions of Alcohol Abuse 251 Different Defi nitions 252 Different “Causes” 252 Different Responses 253
History of Problem Drinking in the United States 254 Pioneer America 254 The Road to Prohibition 255 The Medicalization of Problem Drinking 257 The Age of Ambivalence 258
Social Learning Theory and Alcohol Abuse 258
Interactional Contexts and Ethnographic Voices 260 College Binge Drinker 261
The Alcoholic 262 Drunk Drivers 264
Contemporary Responses to Problem Drinking 265 Punitive/Treatment Response 265 Contextual Responses 266
Stigma Management and Resistance 269 In-Group Strategies 269 Out-Group Strategies 269 Alcoholics Anonymous and Identity Transformation 270
Blurred Boundaries II: Contextual Responses to College Drinking 272
Summary 274
Keywords 275
Chapter 10: Drug Abuse 277
Blurred Boundaries I: Two Drug Abusers 278
Current Constructions of Drug Abuse in the United States 280
Types of Drug Use and Abuse 280 Statistical Snapshot 281
Challenges in Researching Drug Abuse 281 Counting Illegal Drug Use 282 Getting Close 283
Cross-Cultural Constructions of Drug Abuse 284 Different Defi nitions 285 Different “Causes” 285 Different Responses 286
History of Drug Abuse in the United States 287 Unregulated Early America 287 Road to Punitive Prohibition 288 The War on Drugs 290
Social Learning Theory and Drug Abuse 292
Interactional Contexts and Ethnographic Voices 293
Marijuana 294 Hard “Street” Drugs 294
Contemporary Responses to Drug Abuse 297 Punitive Prohibition and Reducing Supply 298 Drug Courts 299 Harm Reduction 301
Stigma Management and Resistance 302 In-Group Stigma Management 302 Out-Group Stigma Management 303 Collective Action 305
Blurred Boundaries II: Is It Time to Legalize Drugs? 306
Summary 307
Keywords 308
Chapter 11: Sex Work 311
Blurred Boundaries I: The Street Prostitute and the Playboy College Girl 312
Current Constructions of Sex Work and Pornography in the United States 314
Types of Sex Work 314 Statistical Snapshot 315
Challenges in Researching Sex Work 316 Counting Sex Work 316 Getting Close 317
Cross-Cultural Constructions of Sex Work 319 Different Defi nitions 319 Different “Causes” 320 Different Responses 321
History of Sex Work in the United States 322 Antebellum America and the Wild West 322 The Gilded Age of US Prostitution 323 The Great Social Evil 324 The Internet Era 325
Merton’s Anomie and Social Learning Theories 326
Interactional Contexts and Ethnographic Voices 327 Prostitution 327
Street Prostitution 328 Massage Parlors and Brothels 329 Escort Services 330
Dancing for Dollars 331 Oppression and Empowerment Paradigms 334
Contemporary Responses to Sex Work 335 Policing Prostitution 335 Rehabilitation Programs 336 Legalization and Regulation 337
Stigma Management and Resistance 337 Techniques of Neutralization 337 Living in the Closet 338 Stigma Management with Customers 338 Mutual Support 339 Coming Out of the Closet and Collective Action 339
Blurred Boundaries II: The John Shaming Debate 341
Summary 343
Keywords 344
SECTION 4 Status Deviance 345 Chapter 12: Mental Illness 347
Blurred Boundaries I: Two Faces of Mental Illness 348
Current Constructions of Mental Illness in the United States 350
Statistical Snapshot 350
Challenges in Researching Mental Illness 351 Counting Mentally Illness 351 Getting Close 353
Cross-Cultural Constructions of Mental Illness 354
Different Defi nitions 354 Different “Causes” 355 Different Treatments 356
History of Mental Illness in the United States 357 Era of the Asylum 357 Deinstitutionalization Era 359 Antidepressant Era 360
Social Stress Theory 360
Interactional Contexts and Ethnographic Voices 361
Alienation from Place 363 Defi nitive Outburst 363 Help-Seeking 364 The Medication Experience 364
Depression and Medication 365 Schizophrenia and Medication 366
Hospitalization 367
Contemporary Responses to Mental Illness 369 Community Care? 369 Criminalization of Mental Illness 370 Mental Health Courts 372
Stigma Management and Resistance 374 In-Group Stigma Management 374 Out-Group Strategies 376 Collective Action 377
Blurred Boundaries II: A Hyper Child of Your Own 378
Summary 379
Keywords 380
Chapter 13: Obesity and Eating Disorders 383
Blurred Boundaries I: Two “Fat” People 384
Current Constructions of Obesity and Eating Disorders in the United States 385
Types of Obesity and Eating Disorders 386 Statistical Snapshot 386
Challenges in Researching Obesity and Eating Disorders 388
Counting Obesity and Eating Disorders 388 Getting Close 389
Cross-Cultural Constructions of Obesity and Eating Disorders 390
Different Defi nitions 390 Different “Causes” 391 Different Responses 392
History of Obesity and Eating Disorders in the United States 393
Colonial America 394 Rise of the Antifat Campaign 394 Fat in the Feminist Era 396
Calories In-Calories Out and Self-Control Theory 398
Interactional Contexts and Ethnographic Voices 400 Dieting and Fitness Programs 402 Facing Failure 403 The Costs of Weight Obsession 404
Contemporary Responses to Obesity 405 Weight-Loss and Fitness Industry 406 Medical Drugs 407 Surgery 407 Social Policy and Government Regulation 408
Stigma Management and Resistance 409 Weight-Loss Support Groups 409 Challenging Frames 410
Blurred Boundaries II: Banning Weight Discrimination in the Workplace 412
Summary 413
Keywords 414
Chapter 14: LGBTQ Identities 417
Blurred Boundaries: Two Stories of Same-Sex Attraction 418
Current Constructions of LGBTQ Identities in the United States 420
Statistical Snapshot 421
Challenges in LGBTQ Research 422 Counting LGBTQ Identities and Sexual Behavior 422 Getting Close 423
Cross-Cultural LGBTQ Constructions 424 Different Defi nitions 424 Different “Causes” 425 Different Responses 427
LGBTQ History in the United States 428 Early American Secrecy 428 1890s to World War II 429 The Cold War on Homosexuals 430 Era of Collective Action and Conservative Responses 431 A Post-Gay Era? 433
The Limits of Positivistic Approaches 435
Interactional Contexts and Ethnographic Voices 436 Straight Gay Sex Today 436 Coming Out 438
Contemporary Responses to LGBTQ Issues 441
Stigma Management and Resistance 443
Blurred Boundaries II: “Gay” or “Straight”? 447
Summary 447
Keywords 449
References 451 Index 469
xi
Th is book embraces a vision of deviance as a set of social processes involving a wide range of social dynamics and infl uences, including the multiple infl uences on human behavior empha- sized by many positivistic theories of deviant behavior. Th e overarching approach of the book, however, is fully grounded in symbolic interac- tionism. Among the analytic approaches to deviance, only symbolic interactionism (or social construction, as some prefer) moves beyond the limited question of “what causes deviant behavior?” As valuable as the answers to that question can be, focusing solely on the causes of deviant behavior can give the inaccu- rate impression that what is defi ned as deviant behavior is always and everywhere the same. But while all human cultures have made dis- tinctions between good and bad acts, what has been considered good or bad has varied widely. Defi nitions of deviance are far from universal, even within most societies at any given point in time. Focusing exclusively on the causes of devi- ant behavior misses more of the deviance proc- ess than it captures.
THE DEVIANCE PROCESS
Symbolic interactionism has been critical to the study of deviance since the early 1960s, but in the 1970s popular interpretations of interactionist contributions to the study of deviance focused overwhelmingly on labeling theory. The core insight of labeling theory was the idea that being
identifi ed and treated as deviant often leads to increased deviant behavior and role engulfment in a deviant identity. Th e social contexts in which that insight holds remains an important empiri- cal question, but it is only a piece of what sym- bolic interaction has to off er to the study of devi- ance. This book provides instructors and students with a broader interactionist/construc- tionist analysis of the deviance process, focused on (1) activities of moral entrepreneurs who seek to defi ne certain behaviors and statuses as devi- ant, (2) thoughts and actions of rule-breakers who knowingly or unknowingly violate the rules, (3) social control eff orts focused on identifying and sanctioning or treating rule-breakers, and (4) the responses of rule-breakers to the formal and informal social control eff orts directed at them.
Moral Entrepreneurship
Th e term “moral entrepreneur” was created by Howard Becker in his 1963 study of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics campaign to defi ne mari- juana as harmful and its users as evil. Scholars have found the concept useful for examining the social construction of what Stanley Cohen (1973) terms “moral panics” related to a wide range of deviance categories. Analysis focused on the creation and dissemination of “atrocity tales” (Bromley et al. 1979) has provided an additional vantage point to assess the narrative similarities underlying the creation of moral panics related to a wide range of deviance cate- gories. Finally, David Snow and colleagues’
Preface
xii Preface
(Snow et al. 1986a; Snow and Benford 1988) studies of “framing processes” have provided additional concepts for analyzing deviance that link moral entrepreneurship to social move- ments, medical discourse, and popular culture.
Rule-Breaking
Rule-breaking has always been a central focus of deviance studies, both from positivistic and interpretive perspectives. While positivistic theories seek explanations for rule-breaking that are external to, or at least largely beyond the control of, those who violate social norms, symbolic interactionism gives voice to the expe- riences and identities of those who are defi ned as deviant. Ethnographic research can be valua- ble in all fi elds of sociological inquiry, but it is especially critical when seeking to understand the experiences of those who consciously violate social norms. This contribution of symbolic interactionism and ethnographic research is a staple of deviance textbooks. Th is book contin- ues the tradition of drawing on deviance eth- nographies to share “deviants’” voices in their own words. But rather than relying mostly on classic past studies, I have mined the wealth of recent ethnographies for up-to-date descrip- tions of deviants’ experiences and voices.
Social Control
Th e interactionist/constructionist approach to the deviance process recognizes that normative violations are embedded in broader social con- texts that gain particular salience when individ- uals are identifi ed and treated as rule-breakers. At that point, people who are identifi ed as “devi- ants” find themselves subject to formal and informal sanctions and treatment. Often, they are pu l led into organizationa l processing through the criminal justice system or medical- ized treatment programs. Th e societal responses
to those identifi ed as specifi c types of deviants change over time, typically in tandem with changing defi nitions of the causes and conse- quences of deviant behavior. But both labeling and treating of “deviants” can vary enormously based on race, class, and gender. This book draws upon both quantitative and qualitative research to discuss current societal responses and biases in punishment and treatment of dif- ferent kinds of deviants.
Stigma Management and Resistance
Those identified as deviant seldom passively accept stigmatizing labels and the punitive treatment directed toward them. Instead, they engage in a range of stigma management activi- ties: passing as nondeviant, seeking to minimize the perception of their deviance, embracing recovery, and even at times turning the alleged deviance into a source of pride and power. Th e options available for resistance and stigma man- agement vary across deviance categories and over time, frequently with race, class, and gen- der diff erences.
Th e deviance process is multifaceted and sel- dom static for long. What was acceptable and/or legal at one point in time (regular opiate use or prostitution) becomes unacceptable and illegal. What was illegal (use of contraceptives) or con- sidered mental illness (homosexuality) becomes widely accepted. As of this writing, “pot” is (or soon will be) legally sold for recreational use in eight states, while in many adjacent states and at the federal level selling marijuana is a felony. Prison populations soar, leading even conserva- tive politicians to question mandatory sentenc- ing practices. And the Internet provides venues for both moral entrepreneurship and resistance. The symbolic interactionist/constructionist perspective outlined above provides an analytic framework for understanding deviance as a continually recursive process.
Preface xiii
ORGANIZATION
Th is book is divided into four sections. Section 1 introduces students to the fi eld of deviance stud- ies, comparing empirical sociological study of deviance to popular cultural conceptions of deviant behavior as rooted in evil, illness, or rela- tivistic cultural diff erences. Chapter 2 highlights sociology’s commitment to empirical research, with particular emphasis on the value of ethno- graphic research for studying deviance. Chapter 3 examines positivistic theories of deviant behavior and Chapter 4 presents the symbolic interactionist perspective that will be used in each of the substantive chapters. Th e following three sections of the book focus on specifi c com- mon deviance categories.
Section 2 provides an analysis of several kinds of criminal deviance that involve unwilling vic- tims: murder, rape, street-level property crime, and white-collar crime. Th ese forms of deviance (or at least the fi rst three) represent types of devi- ance characterized by high public consensus and formal legal sanctions. Virtually all societies con- sider certain kinds of killing, sexual coercion, and property crime as reprehensible acts. And yet, what counts as murder, rape, or robbery var- ies signifi cantly from one culture to another and even within the United States over time.
Section 3 examines three types of what is often termed “lifestyle deviance.” These devi- ance categories are characterized by signifi- cantly less public consensus concerning their harmfulness to individuals and society as well as greatly increased subcultural proliferation. Par- ticipants often justify these kinds of deviance by assertions of legitimate lifestyle choice—of indi- vidual rights and the lack of a victim—claims that moral entrepreneurs strongly contest.
Section 4 examines a set of deviance catego- ries often referred to as “status deviance.” People in these categories are considered deviant by virtue of negatively evaluated and largely invol-
untary statuses, conditions, or identities that they have (e.g., illnesses, physical defects, alter- native sexual orientations and gender identities, etc.). While status deviance categories involve the same social processes as other deviance cat- egories, they exhibit more deviant identit y transformation and collective action associated with positive conceptions of those associated with the deviance category.
Th e chapters in Sections 2 through 4 follow a uniform organization in order to provide stu- dents with consistency across chapters and reinforcement of key concepts and issues.
PEDAGOGICAL FEATURES
Th ree pedagogical features of this book warrant brief discussion. First, each chapter includes two Blurred Boundary sections, one at the start of the chapter and the other at chapter end. Th e term Blurred Boundaries is used throughout this book to refer to (1) the often hazy distinc- tions between what is considered moral versus immoral, or good as opposed to bad, (2) the con- fusion that results from confl icting and often overlapping explanations that are given to explain why people engage in deviant behavior, and (3) the challenges of developing social poli- cies to address social harm while respecting human rights. Th e Blurred Boundaries theme is integrated throughout the text, challenging stu- dents to move beyond black-and-white, knee- jerk reactions and to engage in thoughtful assessments of deviance categories and social policies.
Second, each chapter includes an optional mini-research project titled Pushing Your Boundaries that asks students to collect and/or briefl y analyze some “data” that are relevant to specific course topics. These assignments, which have been fi eld-tested in several classes, help students see connections between the
course and the world beyond the classroom and reinforce the importance of empirical research.
Th ird, all chapters (except the introduction) include a short Claims-Maker Profi le of an indi- vidual (or couple) who has been a notable advo- cate for particular claims—either in defining deviance or responding to it. Chapters in the fi rst section of the book profi le exemplary deviance scholars, while chapters in the rest of the book profi le people who have played signifi cant roles in social policy or social action related to the chapter’s topic. The profiles connect personal faces and memorable stories to chapter topics, illustrating the importance of engaged social action.
SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS
Th e Instructor’s Manual includes chapter out- lines; Power Point lectures; a test bank with essay, short-answer, and multiple-choice ques- t ion s; a nd suggested v ideo a nd Internet resources for each chapter. The Instructor’s Manual a lso prov ides suggested st udent Blackboard/WebCT discussion group topics and exercises for instructors who want to use web-based pedagogy.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Th is book has been a long time in coming. I want to thank Chris Caldeira and Th omas Vander Ven
for their early enthusiasm and support for the project. Seth Dobrin and Nic Albert at the Uni- versity of California Press have given me critical guidance for bringing the book to completion. Matthew Austin provided teaching assistance the first time I taught the course using these materials at Ohio University. Stephen Van Geem at Utah State University took the plunge early and taught with previous versions of the manu- script, providing feedback along the way. Kenny Chumbley provided excellent support with graphics and permissions. Over a dozen anony- mous reviewers have read versions of the manu- script and given sage advice on how it could be improved. My gratitude to you all.
Th is project has been bookended by a sabbat- ical at Ohio University where I began the book and a sabbatical at Utah State University where I have completed it.
I want to thank my wife, Kate, especially, for her consistent encouragement and for never losing faith in the project—or my ability to pull it off .
Finally, this textbook is only possible because countless scholars in the social sciences and humanities have found the interactionist/ constructionist approach valuable in their research. I am indebted to all whose work I draw upon. Th is is a collective eff ort and I hope I have done your work close to the justice it deserves.
xiv Preface
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