One-page summary and analysis (250 words) of the Sugar article from The 1619 Project (It’s Page 70-77) (It’s due later tonight
One-page summary and analysis (250 words) of the Sugar article from The 1619 Project
(It's Page 70-77)
(It's due later tonight, around 4am) So technically due March 1st (4am)
August 18, 2019
The 1619 Project
In August of 1619, a ship appeared on this horizon, near Point Comfort, a coastal port in the British colony of Virginia. It carried more than 20 enslaved Africans, who were sold to the colonists. America was not yet America, but this was the moment it began. No aspect of the country that would be formed here has been untouched by the 250 years of slavery that followed. On the 400th anniversary of this fateful moment, it is fi nally time to tell our story truthfully.
4
161 Editor’s Note by Jake Silverstein
It is not a year that most Americans know as a notable date in our
country’s history. Those who do are at most a tiny fraction of those who
can tell you that 1776 is the year of our nation’s birth. What if, however,
we were to tell you that this fact, which is taught in our schools and
unanimously celebrated every Fourth of July, is wrong, and that the
country’s true birth date, the moment that its defining contradictions
first came into the world, was in late August of 1619? Though the exact
date has been lost to history (it has come to be observed on Aug. 20),
that was when a ship arrived at Point Comfort in the British colony of
Virginia, bearing a cargo of 20 to 30 enslaved Africans. Their arrival
inaugurated a barbaric system of chattel slavery that would last for
the next 250 years. This is sometimes referred to as the country’s
original sin, but it is more than that: It is the country’s very origin.
Out of slavery — and the anti-black racism it required — grew
nearly everything that has truly made America exceptional: its eco-
nomic might, its industrial power, its electoral system, diet and
popular music, the inequities of its public health and education, its
astonishing penchant for violence, its income inequality, the exam-
ple it sets for the world as a land of freedom and equality, its slang,
its legal system and the endemic racial fears and hatreds that
continue to plague it to this day. The seeds of all that were planted
long before our official birth date, in 1776, when the men known as
our founders formally declared independence from Britain.
The goal of The 1619 Project, a major initiative from The New
York Times that this issue of the magazine inaugurates, is to
reframe American history by considering what it would mean to
5
regard 1619 as our nation’s birth year. Doing so requires us to
place the consequences of slavery and the contributions of black
Americans at the very center of the story we tell ourselves about
who we are as a country.
Perhaps you need some persuading. The issue contains essays on
different aspects of contemporary American life, from mass incar-
ceration to rush-hour traffic, that have their roots in slavery and its
aftermath. Each essay takes up a modern phenomenon, familiar to
all, and reveals its history. The first, by the staff writer Nikole Hannah-
Jones (from whose mind this project sprang), provides the intellectual
framework for the project and can be read as an introduction.
Alongside the essays, you will find 17 literary works that bring
to life key moments in African-American history. These works are
all original compositions by contemporary black writers who were
asked to choose events on a timeline of the past 400 years. The
poetry and fiction they created is arranged chronologically through-
out the issue, and each work is introduced by the history to which
the author is responding.
A word of warning: There is gruesome material in these pages,
material that readers will find disturbing. That is, unfortunately, as
it must be. American history cannot be told truthfully without a clear
vision of how inhuman and immoral the treatment of black Americans
has been. By acknowledging this shameful history, by trying hard to
understand its powerful influence on the present, perhaps we can
prepare ourselves for a more just future.
That is the hope of this project.
19.
6
Page 28 . . . . . . . Clint Smith on the Middle Passage
Page 29 . . . . . . . Yusef Komunyakaa on Crispus Attucks
Page 42 . . . . . . . Eve L. Ewing on Phillis Wheatley
Page 43 . . . . . . . Reginald Dwayne Betts on the Fugitive
Slave Act of 1793
Page 46 . . . . . . . Barry Jenkins on Gabriel's Rebellion
Page 47 . . . . . . . Jesmyn Ward on the Act Prohibiting
Importation of Slaves
Page 58 . . . . . . . Tyehimba Jess on Black Seminoles
Page 59 . . . . . . . Darryl Pinckney on the Emancipation
Proclamation of 1863
400 Years: A Literary Timeline
Index
Page 59 . . . . . . . ZZ Packer on the New Orleans massacre of 1866
Page 68 . . . . . . . Yaa Gyasi on the Tuskegee syphilis experiment
Page 69 . . . . . . . Jacqueline Woodson on Sgt. Isaac Woodard
Page 78 . . . . . . . Rita Dove and Camille T. Dungy on the 16th Street
Baptist Church bombing
Page 79 . . . . . . . Joshua Bennett on the Black Panther Party
Page 84 . . . . . . . Lynn Nottage on the birth of hip-hop
Page 84 . . . . . . . Kiese Laymon on the Rev. Jesse Jackson’s
“rainbow coalition” speech
Page 85 . . . . . . . Clint Smith on the Superdome after
Hurricane Katrina
T he 1619 Project / Introduction, Pa g by N kole Hannah-Jones, Page 14 / Ca Page 30 / A Broken Health Care Sys Page 44 / raffi c, by Kevin M. Kruse, P by Jamelle Bouie, Page 50 / Medical I Page 56 / American Popular Music, b by Khalil Gibran Muhammad, Page 7 Stevenson, Page 80 / he Wealth Ga p a photo essay, by Djeneba Aduayom,
7
Behind the Cover
We commissioned the photographer Dannielle Bowman to
photograph the water off the coast of Hampton, Va., at the
site where the first enslaved Africans were recorded being
brought to Britain’s North American colonies. So many of our
national narratives feature the arrival of ships to the New World
(Christopher Columbus, Plymouth Rock), and yet this arrival,
of these “twenty and odd Negroes” in 1619, has generally been
left out of our founding myths. Rarely is the disembarking of
these people treated with grandeur. We wanted to change that.
Photograph by Dannielle Bowman for The New York Times.
Beyond this issue, you’ll also find a special section in today’s
newspaper on the history of slavery, made in partnership with the
Smithsonian, and an article in the Sports section considering
the legacy of slavery in professional sports; on Aug. 20, ‘‘The Daily’’
begins a multipart 1619 audio series; and starting this week,
in partnership with the Pulitzer Center, The Times is introducing
a curriculum and educational outreach effort to bring this
material to students (for information, see the inside back cover).
Look for more #1619project updates in the weeks ahead.
The 1619 Project Continues
a ge 4 / he Idea of America, Capitalism, by Matthew Desmond, ystem, by Jeneen Interlandi, , Page 48 / Undemocratic Democracy, l Inequality, by L nda Villarosa, , by Wesl ey Morris, Page 60 / Sugar,
e 70 / Mass Incarceration, by Bryan a p, by rymai ne Lee, Page 82 / Hope, , Page 86 / Contributors 10 / Puzzles 94, 96, 97 / Puzzles Answers 97 / Endpaper 98
InternX The Fund II team learned quickly that mentorships, scholarships
and internships opened the widest doors to prosperity. To that
end, Fund II created internX, a platform to connect students
studying science, technology, engineering or math with companies
searching for STEM talent. internX disproves the notion that quali-
fied black and brown tech interns donít exist, while helping interns
learn skills, find mentors and gather the experience crucial for
developing careers and building wealth.
Changing Lives, One Grant at a Time
B usiness leader and philanthropist Robert F. Smith
inspired the world with his 2019 commencement pledge
to pay off the student debt for nearly 400 graduates at
Morehouse College in Atlanta. Smithís pledge was a personal
one, on behalf of his family, which has been part of the American
fabric for eight generations. The gift also focused a public spot-
light on Fund II Foundation, a private charitable organization
founded in 2014 to grant to public charities the assets of a
reserve established when Smithís Vista Equity Partners raised its
first private equity fund in 2000.
Fund II Foundation, which Smith leads as President and Found-
ing Director, has awarded nearly $250 million in grants in nine
disciplines: education, social justice, environment, digitization,
career readiness, health, music and arts appreciation, cultural
preservation and veteransí affairs. Its grantees include non-profits
that train veterans and young adults for technology careers,
promote youth environmental service and teach young people
how to preserve historic and culturally significant landmarks.
Through grants and signature in-house programs, Fund II has
touched more than 1.2 million people nationwide.
Cradle to Greatness The foundationís signature philosophy, Cradle to Greatness, offers
a framework to measure the success of grantees, determine those
in need of additional help and accelerate access to that help. This
enables Fund II to go deeper, investing in overlooked and underes-
timated communities, considering many pathways to success,
from birth to a career, and even promoting business ownership.
ìOur Cradle to Greatness framework rekindles hope and pros-
perity in communities often besieged by neglect and violence,î says
Smith. ìWhat we want our kids to know in every domain of their
lives ó on this earth, in the home, on the job, at school, everywhere
they turn ó is that they are worthy.î
PHOTOGRAPHY PROVIDED BY FUND II FOUNDATION
PAID FOR AND POSTED BY
FUND II FOUNDATION
$39.5 million The amount Fund II has spent on
cultural preservation
$24 million The amount Fund II has awarded in music
& arts appreciation grants
$16.52 million The amount Fund II has spent on career
readiness
$89.81 million The amount Fund II has awarded in grants
on education and scholarships
1.2 million The number of people in the U.S.
touched by Fund II grants and programs
$241 million The amount of grants awarded by Fund II
PAID FOR AND POSTED BY
FUND II FOUNDATION
This is not only the right thing to do but also smart, says Linda
Wilson, the executive director of Fund II Foundation. A recent
national economics poll determined that black and brown Ameri-
cans hold a combined buying power of $2.8 trillion, and of those
spenders, half in each group are under 35. ìThey are the future and
the most untapped talent force of our nation,î says Ivana Jackson,
the internX program manager.
Started in 2018, internX has a goal of placing 1,000 interns this
year and 10,000 in 2020. But Fund IIís commitment to young people
of color doesnít stop with STEM careers; its attention to music, art
and environmental education is every bit as strong. ìMusic and art
provide balance to young people,î Wilson says, ìinstilling a sense of
peace while increasing aptitude.î
Restoration Retreat In 2018, Fund II developed yet another signature program, one that
allows young people to commune with nature, while also ìproviding
much needed respite to heal and inspire,î Wilson says. For its inau-
gural event, Restoration Retreat hosted 35 boys of color from tough
circumstances on a retreat to the Colorado Rocky Mountains. They
received life-skills coaching, financial literacy and entrepreneurial
training, as well as instruction in mentorship, yoga and meditation.
They also pursued outdoor adventures like archery, fly fishing,
hiking and horseback riding.
This yearís event included a separate retreat for girls. They each
Programs like Restoration Retreat create inspiring scenes that Fund
II leaders intend to replicate nationwide: children of color participating
and excelling in careers, stewardship and life. ìWe at Fund II are
committed to ensuring African Americans prosper through scientific,
political, cultural and social capital. We are proud of our grantees and
collaborators because their work pays tribute to our ancestors who are
Contributors
With creative works from:
Trymaine Lee, 82
Khalil Gibran Muhammad, 70Wesley Morris, 60
Jesmyn Ward Rita Dove Reginald Dwayne Betts Yusef Komunyakaa
Kiese Laymon Clint Smith ZZ Packer
Camille T. Dungy Yaa Gyasi Eve L. Ewing Darryl Pinckney
L ynn Nottage, 84
Jamelle Bouie, 50
Dannielle Bowman, 98 Jeneen Interlandi, 44
L inda Villarosa, 58
Nikole Hannah-Jones, Page 14
is a staff writer for the magazine.
A 2017 MacArthur fellow, she has won a National Magazine Award, a Peabody Award and a George Polk Award.
Lynn Nottage, Page 84
is a playwright and screenwriter. She has received two Pulitzer Prizes and a MacArthur fellowship, and she is currently an associate professor at Columbia School of the Arts.
Trymaine Lee, Page 82
is a Pulitzer Prize- and Emmy Award-winning journalist and a correspondent for MSNBC. He covers social-justice issues and the role of race in politics and law enforcement.
Dannielle Bowman, Page 98
is a visual artist working with photography. She is an artist in residence at Baxter Street Camera Club of New York, where she will have a solo show in January.
Jeneen Interlandi, Page 44
is a member of The Times’s editorial board and a staff writer for the magazine. Her last article for the magazine was about teaching in the age of school shootings.
Khalil Gibran Muhammad, Page 70
is a Suzanne Young Murray professor at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study at Harvard University and author of ‘‘The Condemnation of Blackness.’’
Wesley Morris, Page 60
is a staff writer for the magazine, a critic at large for The New York Times and a co-host of the podcast ‘‘Still Processing.’’ He was awarded the 2012 Pulitzer Prize for criticism.
Linda Villarosa, Page 58
directs the journalism program at the City College of New York and is a contributing writer for the magazine. Her feature on black infant and maternal mortality was a finalist for a National Magazine Award.
10
N kole Hannah-Jones, Page 14
Barry Jenkins Jacqueline Woodson
Adam Pendleton, 14
Joshua Bennett, 79 Kevin M. Kruse, 48
Bryan Stevenson, 80 Djeneba duayom, 86
Jamelle Bouie, Page 50
is a Washington-based New York Times opinion columnist and a political analyst for CBS News. He covers campaigns, elections, national affairs and culture.
Djeneba Aduayom, Page 86
is a photographer in Los Angeles known for her portraiture inspired by her career as a dancer.
Tyehimba Jess, Page 58
is a poet from Detroit who teaches at the College of Staten Island. He is the author of two books of poetry, ‘‘Leadbelly’’ and ‘‘Olio,’’ for which he received the 2017 Pulitzer Prize.
Kevin M. Kruse, Page 48
is a professor of history at Princeton University and the author of ‘‘White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism.’’
Contributors’ bios continue on Page 95.
Bryan Stevenson, Page 80
is the executive director of the Equal Justice Initiative and the author of ‘‘Just Mercy: A Story of Justice and Redemption.’’
Adam Pendleton, Page 14
is an artist known for conceptually rigorous and formally inventive paintings, collages, videos and installations that address history and contemporary culture.
Joshua Bennett, Page 79
is an assistant professor of English and creative writing at Dartmouth College and the author of ‘‘The Sobbing School.’’ His poetry book ‘‘Owed’’ will be published in 2020.
Tyehimba Jess, 58
11Photographs by Kathy Ryan
Special thanks: To bring The 1619 Project to non-Times subscribers, we have printed hundreds of thousands of additional copies of this issue, as well as of today’s special newspaper section, for distribution at libraries, schools and museums. This would not have been possible without the generous support of donors: Wilson Chandler, John Legend on behalf of the Show Me Campaign, Ekpe Udoh, Gabrielle Union, Fund II Foundation and the N.A.A.C.P. Legal Defense and Educational Fund.
Our founding ideals of liberty and equality were false when they were written. Black Americans fought to make them true. Without this struggle, America would have no democracy at all.
By Nikole Hannah-Jones
Artwork by Adam Pendleton
August 18, 2019
15
T he 1619 Project
16
My dad always fl ew an American fl ag in our front yard. The blue paint on our two- story house was perennially chipping; the fence, or the rail by the stairs, or the front door, existed in a perpetual state of disrepair, but that fl ag always fl ew pristine. Our corner lot, which had been redlined by the federal gov- ernment, was along the river that divided the black side from the white side of our Iowa town. At the edge of our lawn, high on an alu- minum pole, soared the fl ag, which my dad would replace as soon as it showed the slightest tatter.
My dad was born into a family of sharecroppers on a white plan- tation in Greenwood, Miss., where black people bent over cotton from can’t- see- in- the- morning to can’t- see- at- night, just as their enslaved ancestors had done not long before. The Mississippi of my dad’s youth was an apartheid state that subju- gated its near- majority black pop- ulation through breathtaking acts of violence. White residents in Mis- sissippi lynched more black people than those in any other state in the country, and the white people in my dad’s home county lynched more black residents than those in any other county in Mississippi, often for such ‘‘crimes’’ as entering a room occupied by white women, bumping into a white girl or trying to start a sharecroppers union. My dad’s mother, like all the black peo- ple in Greenwood, could not vote, use the public library or fi nd work other than toiling in the cotton fi elds or toiling in white people’s houses. So in the 1940s, she packed up her few belongings and her three small children and joined the fl ood of black Southerners fl eeing North. She got off the Illinois Central Rail- road in Waterloo, Iowa, only to have her hopes of the mythical Promised Land shattered when she learned that Jim Crow did not end at the Mason- Dixon line.
Grandmama, as we called her, found a house in a segregated black neighborhood on the city’s east side and then found the work that was considered black women’s work no matter where black women lived — cleaning white people’s houses. Dad, too, struggled to fi nd promise in this land. In 1962, at age 17, he
signed up for the Army. Like many young men, he joined in hopes of escaping poverty. But he went into the military for another reason as well, a reason common to black men: Dad hoped that if he served his country, his country might fi nal- ly treat him as an American.
The Army did not end up being his way out. He was passed over for opportunities, his ambition stunt- ed. He would be discharged under murky circumstances and then labor in a series of service jobs for the rest of his life. Like all the black men and women in my family, he believed in hard work, but like all the black men and women in my family, no matter how hard he worked, he never got ahead.
So when I was young, that fl ag outside our home never made sense to me. How could this black man, having seen fi rsthand the way his country abused black Americans, how it refused to treat us as full citi- zens, proudly fl y its banner? I didn’t understand his patriotism. It deeply embarrassed me.
I had been taught, in school, through cultural osmosis, that the fl ag wasn’t really ours, that our his- tory as a people began with enslave- ment and that we had contributed little to this great nation. It seemed that the closest thing black Amer- icans could have to cultural pride was to be found in our vague con- nection to Africa, a place we had never been. That my dad felt so much honor in being an American felt like a marker of his degradation, his acceptance of our subordination.
Like most young people, I thought I understood so much, when in fact I understood so little. My father knew exactly what he was doing when he raised that fl ag. He knew that our people’s contributions to build- ing the richest and most powerful nation in the world were indelible, that the United States simply would not exist without us.
In August 1619, just 12 years after the English settled Jamestown, Va., one year before the Puritans land- ed at Plymouth Rock and some 157 years before the English colonists even decided they wanted to form their own country, the Jamestown colonists bought 20 to 30 enslaved Africans from English pirates. The
pirates had stolen them from a Por- tuguese slave ship that had forcibly taken them from what is now the country of Angola. Those men and women who came ashore on that August day were the beginning of American slavery. They were among the 12.5 million Africans who would be kidnapped from their homes and brought in chains across the Atlantic Ocean in the largest forced migra- tion in human history until the Sec- ond World War. Almost two million did not survive the grueling journey, known as the Middle Passage.
Before the abolishment of the international slave trade, 400,000 enslaved Africans would be sold into America. Those individuals and their descendants transformed the lands to which they’d been brought into some of the most successful colonies in the British Empire. Through back- breaking labor, they cleared the land across the Southeast. They taught the colonists to grow rice. They grew and picked the cotton that at the height of slavery was the nation’s most valuable commodity, account- ing for half of all American exports and 66 percent of the world’s supply. They built the plantations of George Washington, Thomas Jeff erson and James Madison, sprawling proper- ties that today attract thousands of visitors from across the globe cap- tivated by the history of the world’s greatest democracy. They laid the foundations of the White House and the Capitol, even placing with their unfree hands the Statue of Freedom atop the Capitol dome. They lugged the heavy wooden tracks of the rail- roads that crisscrossed the South and that helped take the cotton they picked to the Northern textile mills, fueling the Industrial Revo- lution. They built vast fortunes for white people North and South — at one time, the second- richest man in the nation was a Rhode Island ‘‘slave trader.’’ Profi ts from black people’s stolen labor helped the young nation pay off its war debts and fi nanced some of our most prestigious uni- versities. It was the relentless buy- ing, selling, insuring and fi nancing of their bodies and the products of their labor that made Wall Street a thriving banking, insurance and trading sector and New York City the fi nancial capital of the world.
But it would be historically inac- curate to reduce the contributions of black people to the vast materi- al wealth created by our bondage. Black Americans have also been, and continue to be, foundational to the idea of American freedom. More than any other group in this country’s history, we have served, generation after generation, in an overlooked but vital role: It is we who have been the perfecters of this democracy.
The United States is a nation founded on both an ideal and a lie. Our Declaration of Independence, signed on July 4, 1776, proclaims that ‘‘all men are created equal’’ and ‘‘endowed by their Creator with cer- tain unalienable rights.’’ But the white men who drafted those words did not believe them to be true for the hun- dreds of thousands of black people in their midst. ‘‘Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness’’ did not apply to fully one-fi fth of the country. Yet despite being violently denied the freedom and justice promised to all, black Americans believed fervently in the American creed. Through cen- turies of black resistance and protest, we have helped the country live up to its founding ideals. And not only for ourselves — black rights strug- gles paved the way for every other rights struggle, including women’s and gay rights, immigrant and dis- ability rights.
Without the idealistic, strenuous and patriotic eff orts of black Amer- icans, our democracy today would most likely look very diff erent — it might not be a democracy at all.
The very fi rst person to die for this country in the American Revo- lution was a black man who himself was not free. Crispus Attucks was a fugitive from slavery, yet he gave his life for a new nation in which his own people would not enjoy the liberties laid out in the Declaration for another century. In every war this nation has waged since that fi rst one, black Americans have fought — today we are the most likely of all racial groups to serve in the United States military.
My father, one of those many black Americans who answered the call, knew what it would take me years to understand: that the year 1619 is as important to the American
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August 18, 2019
17
story as 1776. That black Americans, as much as those men cast in alabas- ter in the nation’s capital, are this nation’s true ‘‘founding fathers.’’ And that no people has a greater claim to that fl ag than us.
In June 1776, Thomas Jeff erson sat at his portable writing desk in a rented room in Philadelphia and penned these words: ‘‘We hold these truths to be self- evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.’’ For the last 243 years, this fi erce assertion of the fundamental and natural rights of humankind to freedom and self- governance has defi ned
our global reputation as a land of liberty. As Jeff erson composed his inspiring words, however, a teenage boy who would enjoy none of those rights and liberties waited nearby to serve at his master’s beck and call. His name was Robert Hemings, and he was the half brother of Jeff erson’s wife, born to Martha Jeff erson’s father and a woman he owned. It was common for white enslavers to keep their half-black children in slavery. Jeff erson had chosen Hemings, from among about 130 enslaved people that worked on the forced- labor camp he called Monti- cello, to accompany him to Philadel- phia and ensure his every comfort as he drafted the text making the case for a new democratic republic based on the individual rights of men.
At the time, one-fi fth of the pop- ulation within the 13 colonies strug- gled under a brutal system of slavery unlike anything that had existed in the world before. Chattel slavery was not conditional but racial. It was heritable and permanent, not temporary, meaning generations of black people were born into it and passed their enslaved status onto their children. Enslaved peo- ple were not recognized as human beings but as property that could be mortgaged, traded, bought, sold, used as collateral, given as a gift and disposed of violently. Jeff erson’s fel- low white colonists knew that black people were human beings, but they created a network of laws and customs, astounding for both their precision and cruelty, that ensured
that enslaved people would never be treated as such. As the abolition- ist William Goodell wrote in 1853, ‘‘If any thing founded on falsehood might be called a science, we might add the system of American slavery to the list of the strict sciences.’’
Enslaved people could not legal- ly marry. They were barred from learning to read and restricted from meeting privately in groups. They had no claim to their own chil- dren, who could be bought, sold and traded away from them on auction blocks alongside furniture and cattle or behind storefronts that advertised ‘‘Negroes for Sale.’’ Enslavers and the courts did not honor kinship ties to mothers, siblings, cousins. In most courts, they had no legal standing. Enslavers could rape or murder their
An 1872 portrait of African-Americans serving in Congress (from left): Hiram Revels, the first black man elected to the Senate; Benjamin S. Turner; Robert C. De Large; Josiah T. Walls; Jefferson H. Long; Joseph H. Rainy; and R. Brown Elliot.
T he 1619 Project
18
property without legal consequence. Enslaved people could own nothing, will nothing and inherit nothing. They were legally tortured, includ- ing by those working for Jeff erson himself. They could be worked …
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