Please write a paper analyzing the film using the concepts from Chapter 8 and 9 This is the film:?https://www.gapminder.org/vid

Film Paper #1

Instructions: Please write a paper analyzing the film using the concepts from Chapter 8 and 9.

Please answer the following 4 questions:

1) Write an informative summary of the film in one to two paragraphs.

2) Choose four of the concepts listed below to discuss what you feel are the important themes of the film.

a. Define each concept; b. Relate that concept to the film; and c. Explain why you think this concept is important in the film.

3) Did the film increase your understanding of a particular issue? Did it change your perspective in

any way?

4) Evaluate the merit of the film: the importance of its points, its accuracy, completeness, organization, and so on. Include a discussion of whether or not you would recommend the film to others, and why.

Points of consideration in writing your reaction:

1) Proof read your paper for clarity, grammatical errors, and coherent, error-free sentences. 2) Throughout your paper, be sure to use direct quotations to illustrate important ideas. 3) Throughout your paper, reference the textbook where appropriate using page numbers. 4) Support any general points you make or attitudes you express with specific reasons and details.

Statements such as "I agree with many ideas in this film" or "I found the film very interesting" are meaningless without specific evidence from the film that shows why you feel as you do.

Concepts for “Don’t Panic: How to End Poverty in 15 Years”

• Social Stratification • Global Stratification • Life Chances • Economic Restructuring • Social Mobility • Causes of Poverty • Neocolonialism

• Core countries, peripheral countries, Semiperipheral countries (counts as 1 concept)

• World Systems Theory • Dependency Theory • Modernization Theory • Extreme Poverty • Absolute Poverty

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201

!"It takes a village to raise a child,” the saying goes, but it also seems to take a world to make a shirt—or so it seems from looking at the global dimensions of the production and distribution of goods. Try this simple experiment: Look at the labels on your clothing. (If you do this in class, try to do so without embarrassing yourself and others!) What do you see? “Made in Indonesia,” “Made in Vietnam,” “Made in Malawi”—all indicating the linkage of the United States to clothing manu- facturers around the world. The popular brand Nike, as just one example, contracts with factories all over the world. Most of Nike’s products are made in hundreds of factories throughout Asia.

Taking your experiment further, ask yourself: Who made your clothing? A young person trying to lift his or her family out of poverty? Might it have been a child? The International Labour Organization (ILO) distinguishes child labor (those under age 17) from employed children (such as a teenager holding a part-time job or babysitting). Child labor specifically refers to “work that deprives children of their childhood, their potential, and their dignity and that is also harmful to mental and physical development” (International Labour Organiza- tion 2014). The ILO estimates that about 168 million children around the world are trapped in child labor, almost half of whom are involved in dangerous work and many of whom are separated from their families and possibly held in slavery (International Labour Organization 2014). This does not mean that a child necessarily made your clothing. In fact, most child labor occurs in agricultural work, although a significant com- ponent (25 percent) is in service and manufacturing work.

Data on child labor indicate that our global systems of work are deeply connected to inequality. Especially in the poorest countries, trying to survive forces people into forms of work— or lack of work—that produce some of the world’s greatest injustices—both for children and for adult women and men. As we will see in this chapter, nations are interlocked in a system of global inequality, in which the status of the people in one country is intricately linked to the status of the people in others.

Recall from Chapter 1 that C. Wright Mills identified the task of sociology as seeing the social forces that exist beyond individuals. This is particularly important when studying global inequality. A person in the United States (or western Europe

Global Stratification

● Define global stratification and describe its components

● Compare and contrast different explanations of global stratification

● Describe the various consequences of global stratification

● Explain the causes and consequences of global poverty

● Summarize the impact of globalization for social change

in this chapter, you will learn to:

Global Stratification 202

Theories of Global Stratification 208

Consequences of Global Stratification 212

World Poverty 216

Globalization and Social Change 223

Chapter Summary 224

“

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2 02   CH APTER 9

or Japan) who thinks he or she is expressing individualism by wearing the latest style is actually part of a global system of inequality. The adornments available to that person result from a whole network of forces that produce affluence in some nations and poverty in others.

The United States and other wealthy nations are dominant in the system of global stratification. Those at the top of the global stratification system have enormous power over the fate of other nations. Although world conflict stems from many sources, including religious differences, cultural conflicts, and struggles over political philosophy, the inequality between rich and poor nations causes much hatred and resentment. One cannot help but wonder what would happen if the differences between the wealth of some nations and the poverty of others were smaller. In this chapter, we examine the dynamics and effects of global stratification.

Global Stratification In the world today, there are not only rich and poor peo- ple but also rich and poor countries. Some countries are well off, some countries are doing so-so, and a growing number of countries are poor and getting poorer. There is, in other words, a system of global stratification in which the units are countries, much like a system of stratification within countries in which the units are individuals or families.

Just as we can talk about the upper-class or lower- class individuals within a country, we can also talk of the equivalent upper-class or lower-class countries in this world system. One manifestation of global stratification is the great inequality in life chances that differentiates nations around the world. Simple measures of well- being (such as life expectancy, infant mortality, access to education and health, and measures of environmen- tal quality) reveal the consequences of global inequality. The gap between rich and poor people is also sometimes greatest in nations where poverty rates are highest. No longer can nations be understood without considering the global system of stratification of which they are a part.

The effects of the global economy on inequal- ity have become increasingly evident, as witnessed by public concerns about jobs being sent overseas. Unions, environmentalists, and other groups have coa- lesced to protest global trade policies that they think threaten U.S. jobs, erode workers’ rights, and contrib- ute to environmental degradation. The global economy has also further spread McDonaldization, bringing this form of production and consumption throughout the world (see Chapter 6). Popular stores such as Gap and Niketown often have been targets of political protests because they symbolize the expansion of global capital- ism. Protestors see the growth of such stores as eroding local cultural values and spreading the values of unfet- tered consumerism around the globe. A student-based movement has also emerged to protest the sweatshop labor that is often used by companies that manufacture college logo apparel.

The relative affluence of the United States means that U.S. consumers have access to goods produced around the world. A simple thing, such as a child’s toy, can represent this global system. For many young girls in the United States, Barbie is the ideal of fashion and romance. Young girls may have not just one Barbie, but several, each with a specific role and costume. Cheaply bought in the United States, but produced overseas, Barbie is manufactured by those probably not much older than the young girls who play with her and who would need all of their monthly pay to buy just one of the dolls that many U.S. girls collect by the dozens (Press 1996: 12).

The manufacturing of toys and clothing is an example of the global stratification that links the United States and other parts of the world. Global outsourcing locates jobs overseas even while support- ing U.S.-based businesses. Many of the jobs that have been outsourced in this way are semiskilled jobs, such as data entry, medical transcription, and so forth. Increasingly, outsourced jobs are also found in high- tech industries, software design, market research, and product research activities. Although it is difficult to measure the extent of global outsourcing, it has become a common phenomenon—something you experience when, for example, you engage in a tel- ephone or Internet transaction, such as getting help for your computer or arranging a trip. India, China, and Russia have been major players in the economy of global outsourcing, but other nations, such as Ireland, South Africa, Poland, and Hungary, among others, are increasingly playing an important role. The conse- quences can be very positive for the economies of the host nations. The practice of outsourcing also lowers personnel costs for U.S.-based companies, given the lower wages in nations where jobs flow. Outsourc- ing can be at the expense of jobs for workers in the United States, however (Rajan and Srivastava 2007). The practice of global outsourcing increasingly links the economies and social systems of nations around the world.

Copyright 2017 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

GLOBAL STRATI F ICAT I O N  2 03

Rich and Poor One dimension of stratification between countries is wealth. Enormous differences exist between the wealth of the countries at the top of the global stratification sys- tem and the wealth of the countries at the bottom. As you can see in ▲ Figures 9.1 and 9.2, a very small pro- portion of the world’s population receives a vast share of all income—a visual reminder of the inequality that characterizes our world.

You will recall that we looked at the “champagne glass” of inequality within the United States in Chapter 8. A similar image can show you the inequality of income worldwide (see Figure  9.2). As you can see, a small

Distribution of income World population arranged by income

Richest

Poorest

The poorest fifth receives 1.0% of total world income

Each horizontal band represents an equal fifth of the world’s people

The richest fifth receives 82.8% of total world

income

9.9% of income

4.2% of income

2.1% of income

1.0% of income

▲ Figure 9.1 World Income Distribution Data from: Ortiz, Isabel, and Matthew Cummins. 2011. “Global Inequality: Beyond the Bottom Billion.” Social and Economic Policy Working Paper. UNICEF, April. www.worldbank.org

percentage of the world’s population has a very disproportionate share of world income.

There are different ways to meas- ure the wealth of nations, but the most common is to use the per capita gross national income (GNI). The GNI measures the total output of goods and services produced by resi- dents of a country each year plus the income from nonresident sources, divided by the size of the popula- tion. The GNI does not truly reflect what individuals or families receive in wages or pay; it is simply each person’s annual share of their coun- try’s income if income were shared equally. You can use this measure to get a picture of global stratification (see ■ Map 9.1).

Per capita GNI is reliable only in countries that are based on a cash economy. It does not measure infor- mal exchanges or bartering in which resources are exchanged without money changing hands. These non- cash transactions are not included in the GNI calcula- tion, but they are common in developing countries. As a result, measures of wealth based on the GNI, or other statistics that count cash transactions, are less reliable among the poorer countries and may underestimate the wealth of the countries at the lower end of the economic scale.

The per capita GNI of the United States, one of the wealthier nations in the world (though not the wealthiest on a per capita basis), was $53,860

Some nations have so much wealth that they actually serve gold as food, such as these real gold leaves on a dessert in Dubai!

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2 0 4   CHA PTE R 9

in 2013. The per capita GNI in Burundi, one of the poorest countries in the world, was $280. Even com- pared to other well-to-do, industrialized nations, the United States’ per capita GNI shows us to be one of the most affluent nations in the world; GNI per capita is $46,140 in Japan, $46,100 in Germany, $39,140 in the United Kingdom, and only $6520 in China (World Bank 2014b).

Which are the wealthiest nations? ▲ Figure 9.3 shows the ten richest and the ten poorest countries in the world (measured by the annual per capita GNI). Monaco is the richest nation in the world on a per capita basis. Of course, Monaco has a tiny population compared with the United States. The poorest coun- try in the world is Malawi, closely tied with Burundi, but note how many of the poorest nations are in sub-Saharan Africa, one of the poorest regions of the world. We will return to this fact in the discussion of world poverty later in this chapter.

The poorest nations are largely rural, have high fer- tility rates, large populations, and still depend heavily on subsistence agriculture. In very poor countries, the life of an average citizen is meager. Often poor nations are rich with natural resources but are exploited for such resources by more powerful nations. Still, they rank at the bottom of the global stratification system.

GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)

no data

$12,476 or more

$1,025 or less

$1,026–$4,035

$4,036–$12,475

Viewing Society in Global Perspective: Rich and Poor Most nations are linked in a world system that produces wealth for some and poverty for others. The GNI (gross national income),

depicted here on a per capita basis for most nations in the world, is an indicator of the wealth and poverty of nations.

Source: The World Bank. 2011. Reprinted by permission. www.worldbank.org

map 9.1

32.6%

18.3%5.7% 4.5%

5.9%

4.1%

19.4%1.2% 1.1% 2.6% 1.4% 1.0% 1.3% 1.7% 2.2%

United States Japan Germany Italy United Kingdom France Spain Canada

All others Brazil

Taiwan Australia Netherlands China Mexico

▲ Figure 9.2 Who Owns the World’s Wealth? Data from: Davies, James B., Susanna Sandstrom, Anthony Shorrocks, and Edward N. Wolff. 2008. “The World Distribution of Household Wealth.” UNU-WIDER, World Institute for Development Economics Research. Helsinki, Finland.

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GLOBAL STRATI F ICAT I O N  2 05

Because the poorest nations suffer from extreme poverty, there is terrible human suffering in these places. This also produces instability and the potential for violence, as well as risks to human health. We wit- nessed this in the Ebola virus outbreak that devastated some of the countries of western Africa. The nations most affected are among some of the poorest in the world—the Central African Republic with a GNI of only $320; Burundi, $280; and Malawi, $270. Each of these nations suffers from very high poverty rates, short life expectancy, and poor water facilities. We will look more closely at the nature and causes of such world poverty later in this chapter.

The wealthiest countries, you will see, are largely industrialized nations or those that are oil-rich. These countries represent the equivalent of the upper class. Simply being one of the wealthiest nations in the world does not mean that all of the nation’s population is well off. Some, especially the Scandinavian countries, have low degrees of inequality within. Others, including the United States, have great inequality within, as we have seen in the previous chapter on class inequality.

Moreover, inequality between nations has to be seen in relative terms. For example, a very wealthy person in India may have the income of someone in the bottom 5  percent of income earners in the United States, but within India, this can afford the person an expensive mansion and a highly lavish lifestyle relative to other Indian people (Milanovic 2010).

Inequality within nations is measured by some- thing called the Gini coefficient. The Gini coefficient is a measure of income distribution within a given population or nation. The figure ranges from zero to one, with zero representing a population where there is perfect equality and one indicating a population where just one person has all the money—in other words, the greatest inequality. South Africa has the highest Gini coefficient in the world; the Scandinavian countries, among the lowest. But the United States ranks very high in the degree of internal inequality among other industrialized nations, as you can see from ▲ Figure 9.4. ■ Map  9.2 also gives you a visual image, based on the Gini coefficient, of inequality within nations through- out the world.

Monaco

Lichtenstein

Norway

Switzerland

Qatar

Australia

Sweden

Luxembourg

Singapore

United States

$50,000$0 $100,000

The richest nations

$150,000 $200,000

$100$0 $200 $400$300 $500 $600

Eritrea

Ethiopia

Guinea

Madagascar

Niger

Liberia

Congo, Dem.Republic of

Central African Republic

Burundi

Malawi

The poorest nations

▲ Figure 9.3 The Rich and the Poor: A World View* Data from: The World Bank. 2014b. *Measured by GNI per capita, in U.S. dollars, for 2011. www.worldbank.org

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2 0 6    CHAPTER 9

Global Networks of Power and Influence Global stratification involves nations in a large and integrated network of economic and political relation- ships. Power—that is, the ability of a country to exercise

control over other countries or groups of countries—is a significant dimension of global stratification. Countries can exercise several kinds of power over other coun- tries, including military, economic, and political power. The core countries have the most power in the world economic system. These countries control and profit

Gini Coefficient

.30–.34

.35–.39

.40–.44

<.25

.45–.49

.50–.54

.55–.59 >.60 No Data

.25–.29

Viewing Society in Global Perspective: The Gini Coefficient Source: Central Intelligence Agency. 2009. World Factbook. www.cia.org

map 9.2

NOTE: The larger the Gini coefficient, the greater inequality in family incomes.

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 South Africa

Brazil

Costa Rica

Mexico

China

United States

Japan

Ireland

United Kingdom

France

Australia

Germany

Norway

Denmark

Sweden

Canada

▲ Figure 9.4 Gini Coefficient in Selected Countries How does the United States compare to western European nations? Why do you think this has happened? Data from: Central Intelligence Agency. 2014. The World Fact Book. www.cia.gov

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GLOBAL STRATI F ICATI O N  2 07

Research Question: International migra- tion is becoming an increasingly common phenomenon. Women are one of the largest groups to experience migration, often leaving poor nations to become domestic workers in wealthier nations. What are these women’s experiences in the context of global stratification? This is what Rhacel Salazar Parreñas wanted to know.

Research Method: Parreñas studied two communities of Filipina women, one in Los Angeles and one in Rome, Italy, conducting her research through extensive interviewing with Filipina domestic workers in these two locations. She supplemented the interviews with participant observation in church set- tings, after-work social gatherings, and in

Servants of Globalization: Who Does the Domestic Work?

employers’ homes. The interviews were conducted in a mixture of both cities.

Research Results: Parreñas found that Filipina domestics experienced many sta- tus inconsistencies. They were upwardly mobile in terms of their home country but were excluded from the middle-class Filipino communities in the host nation. Thus they experienced feelings of social exclusion in addition to being separated from their own families.

Conclusions and Implications: The women Parreñas studied are part of a new social pattern for transnational families—that is, families whose mem- bers live across the borders of nations. These Filipinas provide the labor for more affluent households while their own lives are disrupted by these new global

forces. As global economic restructuring evolves, it may be that more families will experience this form of family living.

Questions to Consider 1. Are there domestic workers in

your community who provide child care and other household work for middle- and upper-class house- holds? What are the race, ethnicity, nationality, and gender of these workers? What does this tell you about the division of labor in domes- tic work and its relationship to global stratification?

2. Why do you think domestic labor is so underpaid and undervalued? Are there social changes that might result in a reevaluation of the value of this work?

Sources: Parreñas, Rhacel Salazar. 2001. Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration and Domestic Work. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

doing sociological research

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The gap between the rich and poor worldwide can be staggering. At the same time that many struggle for mere survival, others enjoy the pleasantries of a gentrified lifestyle.

the most from the world system, and thus they are the “core” of the world system. These include the power- ful nations of Europe, the United States, Australia, and, increasingly, East Asia.

Surrounding the core countries, both structurally and geographically, are the semiperipheral countries that are semi-industrialized and, to some degree, represent a

kind of middle class (such as Spain, Turkey, and Mexico). They play a middleman role, extracting profits from the poor countries and passing those profits on to the core countries.

At the bottom of the world stratification system are the peripheral countries. These are the poor, largely agricultural countries of the world. Even though they

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2 08    CHAPT ER 9

are poor, they often have important natural resources that are exploited by the core countries. Exploitation, in turn, keeps them from developing and perpetuates their poverty. Often these nations are politically unsta- ble. Political instability within poor nations can create a crisis for core nations that depend on their resources. Military intervention by the United States or European nations is often the result.

→ SEE for YOURSELF ← The Global Economy of Clothing Look at the labels in your clothes and note where your clothing was made. Where are the products bearing your college logos manufactured and sold? Who profits from the distribution of these goods? What does this tell you about the relationship of core, semiperipheral, and peripheral countries within world systems theory? What further information would reveal the connections between the country where you live and the countries where your clothing is made and distributed?

To explore this further, you can read the account by Kelsey Timmerman who wanted to know where his clothes came from. Timmerman traveled to Honduras, Bangladesh, Cambodia, and China, talking to factory workers and their families about the experiences in making the clothes that others wear. His journey can teach you a lot about global production and consumption (Timmerman 2012). Further resources: www.whereamiwearing.com

Race and Global Inequality Along with class inequality, there is a racial component to world inequality. In the richest nations, the popu- lation is largely White; in the poorest countries of the world, mostly in Africa, the populations are people of color. Exploitation of the human and natural resources of regions populated by people of color has character- ized the history of Western capitalism, with people of color being dominated by Western imperialism and colonialism. The inequities that have resulted are enor- mous, including malnutrition and hunger.

How did this racial inequality come about? On the surface, global capitalism is not explicitly racist, as were earlier forms of industrial capitalism. Yet, the rapid expansion of the global capital system has led to an increase in racial inequality between nations. A new international division of labor has emerged that is not tied to particular places but seeks cheap labor, usually in non-Western countries. The exploitation of cheap labor has created a poor and dependent workforce comprised mostly of people of color. Profits accrue to wealthy owners, who are mostly White, resulting in a racially divided world. Some argue that the exploitation of the poor peripheral nations by multinational capitalists

has forced an exodus of unskilled workers from the impoverished nations to the rich nations. The flood of third-world refugees into the industrialized nations is thereby increasing racial tensions, fostering violence, and destroying worker solidarity (Sirvananadan 1995).

The meaning of race, however, varies in different national settings. South Africa, the United States, and Brazil each developed different sets of racial catego- ries. Although all three countries have many people of mixed descent, race is defined differently in each place. In South Africa, the particular history of Dutch and English colonialism led to strongly drawn racial cat- egories that defined people in four separate categories: “White,” “Coloured” (including indigenous Khoi

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